Inside the High-Stakes Corporate Fight Over Feeding Preterm Babies

In 2013, a scientist at Abbott Laboratories saw study results with potentially big implications for the company’s profits and the lives of some of the world’s most fragile people: preterm infants.

The upshot, she wrote in an email: Babies fed rival Mead Johnson Nutrition’s acidified liquid human milk fortifier — a nutritional supplement used in neonatal intensive care units — developed certain complications at higher rates than those given an Abbott fortifier, a researcher at the University of Nebraska had found.

At least one of those complications can be deadly.

The Abbott scientist, Bridget Barrett-Reis, described the results in the email to colleagues, using two exclamation points. Then she proposed that Abbott test the Mead Johnson fortifier, acidified for sterilization, against another Abbott product.

The clinical trial among preterm infants that Abbott subsequently sponsored, known as AL16, is a case study of corporate warfare in the high-stakes business of infant nutrition, wherein preemies have been coveted like commodities; their anxious, vulnerable parents have been — whether they know it or not — targets of calculated commercial pursuit; and scientific research has been used as a marketing tool.

In hospitals around the country, dozens of babies born an average of 11 weeks early were fed Mead Johnson’s fortifier. Dozens of others were fed an Abbott fortifier that wasn’t acidified.

The clinical trial became a boon for Abbott, which publicized the results to wrest market share from Mead Johnson. But for some of the babies enrolled, it didn’t turn out so well, a KFF Health News investigation found.

Far more infants given Mead Johnson’s product developed a buildup of acid in the blood called metabolic acidosis than those fed Abbott’s product — 19 versus four, according to results published in the journal PharmacoEconomics.

Two outside doctors monitoring infants in the study became so alarmed that they refused to enroll any more babies, according to an April 2016 email one of them sent to Abbott.

In a related email to Abbott, neonatologist Robert White of Memorial Hospital in South Bend, Indiana, and Pediatrix Medical Group — an investigator in the study — explained his concerns.

“We had another SAE” — serious adverse event — “today in which a child developed profound metabolic acidosis while on the study fortifier,” White wrote. The severity was “unlike what we would see in most children with these issues.”

A manager at Abbott replied that the company was “taking your concerns very seriously.”

The study continued for almost a year.

At least some of the consent forms used to inform parents about risks did not mention metabolic acidosis or the often-fatal necrotizing enterocolitis, another condition identified in the 2013 email that led to the study.

In a November response to questions for this article, Abbott spokesperson Scott Stoffel said the clinical trial “was safe and ethical” and that the fortifiers it compared were “on the market and widely used.”

The study was “led by 20 non-Abbott investigators,” Stoffel said.

According to a federal website, Abbott’s Barrett-Reis chaired the study.

Stoffel added that the study was approved “by 14 independent safety review boards at hospitals” and “published in a leading peer-reviewed scientific journal.”

“It is reckless and not credible to suggest that these doctors and institutions conducted and then published the results of an unsafe or unethical study,” Stoffel said.

A spokesperson for Mead Johnson, Jennifer O’Neill, did not comment on Abbott’s clinical trial but said in a November statement to KFF Health News that existing studies “cannot responsibly support” any connection between the acidified fortifier and conditions such as necrotizing enterocolitis or metabolic acidosis.

Mead Johnson executive Cindy Hasseberg argued in a deposition that Abbott waged a “smear campaign” against the acidified fortifier that was “very hard to come back from.”

In 2024, Mead Johnson discontinued the product.

Winning the ‘Hospital War’

Behind their warm-and-fuzzy marketing, industry giants Abbott, maker of Similac products, and Mead Johnson, maker of the Enfamil line, have turned neonatal intensive care units into arenas of brutal competition.

This article quotes from and is based largely on records from three lawsuits against formula manufacturers that went to trial in 2024 and are now on appeal. The cases are Watson v. Mead Johnson, Gill v. Abbott Laboratories, and Whitfield v. St. Louis Children’s Hospital. The records include emails, internal presentations, and other company documents used as exhibits in litigation, as well as court transcripts and witness testimony from depositions.

The records provide an inside view of the business of infant formula and fortifier, a nutritional supplement added to a mother’s milk. For example, a Mead Johnson slide deck for a 2020 national sales meeting — later used in the Whitfield trial — outlined a plan for “Branding NICU Babies.”

Urging employees to win more sales from neonatal intensive care units, the document said: “It is time to open up a can of ‘Whoop Ass.’”

In internal documents and other material from litigation reviewed by KFF Health News, formula makers described hospitals as gateways to the much larger retail market because parents are likely to stick with the brand their babies started on. Products used in the NICU help win hospital contracts, and hospital contracts help establish brand loyalty, according to court records.

Manufacturers vie for contracts that can be “exclusive” or nearly so, according to records from the litigation, including company documents and testimony by people who have worked in management for the companies.

An undated Abbott presentation used in the Gill case, apparently referring to inroads with hospitals in its rivalry with Mead Johnson, boasted of “MJ Strongholds Broken!”

It saluted two employees who “Own 27K Babies Exclusively,” and said another “Stole 600 formula feeders from MJ.”

Still others were praised for “Playing in Mom’s mailbox” or “kicking … and ‘taking names.’”

In July 2024, Abbott CEO Robert Ford said in a conference call for investors that formula and fortifier for preterm infants generated total annual revenue of about $9 million — a small portion of Abbott’s total sales of $42 billion in 2024 and its $2.2 billion of sales in the United States from pediatric nutritional products.

Industry documents cited in litigation provide a different perspective.

“‘First Bottle Fed’ drives our business,” stated an Abbott training presentation from about a decade ago used in the Gill and Whitfield trials.

That described a baby’s first formula feeding in the hospital, the document said. Over 74% of the time, an infant fed formula in the hospital stays on that brand at home, the document said.

Abbott’s goal was that the first-bottle-fed strategy would help generate more than $1.5 billion in sales, the document showed. A staff training slide displayed during the Whitfield trial showed how that momentum could pay off in bonuses for Abbott sales representatives, leading to a “Happy Rep.”

Mead Johnson has espoused a similar strategy.

The company rolled out a “Flip & Win” incentive plan with cash rewards for flipping hospitals from Abbott, according to a 2019 document marked for internal use by Mead Johnson and its parent company, England-based Reckitt Benckiser Group, and admitted into evidence in the Watson case.

Winning in the NICU is critical to contract gains and acquisition,” stated a company plan for 2022 that was cited in the Whitfield case.

One Abbott document shown in the Whitfield trial said more than half of first feedings happen at night, adding, “Nighttime is the right time to drive your business.”

A “Mead Johnson University” training document described a scenario in which a sales rep overhears patient information in a NICU and encouraged the rep to promote the company’s products. The document, titled “Advanced NICU Skills,” was admitted as evidence in the Watson case.

“[Y]ou are walking back into your most important NICU,” it said. “You overhear the HCP’s” — health care providers, apparently — “stating all of the notes,” it said. “There may be some information that may help you to position your products as a resource for this patient and to handle any objections that the HCP may present you with.”

To win parents’ business, companies have supplied formula to hospitals free or at a loss, court records show. That has resulted in such curiosities as a Mead Johnson “purchasing agreement” cited in the Watson case, listing the price for product after product as “no charge.”

In a 2017 strategy document prepared for Mead Johnson, a consulting firm laid out a plan “to win hospital war.”

Why focus on hospitals? “INFLECTION POINT FOR VULNERABLE MOMS,” it explained.

The document was displayed in the Whitfield case.

In the market for preterm nutrition, Abbott and Mead Johnson compete with each other, not against the use of human milk, the companies told KFF Health News.

“Thus, references in documents about wanting to ‘win’ or ‘own’ the NICU refer to out-performing Mead Johnson by offering the highest-quality products,” Abbott’s Stoffel said in February.

Asked specific questions about business strategies and internal documents, Mead Johnson’s O’Neill said the company was “concerned that you are presenting a misleading and incomplete picture.”

Mead Johnson’s products “are safe, effective, and recommended by neonatologists when clinically appropriate,” O’Neill added.

On the Defensive

In courthouses around the country, Abbott and Mead Johnson are on the defensive — and have been for years.

In hundreds of lawsuits, parents of sickened or deceased preterm infants have alleged that formula designed for preemies has caused necrotizing enterocolitis, or NEC, a devastating condition in which immature intestinal tissue can become infected and die, spreading infection through the body.

Lawsuits also accuse the manufacturers of failing to warn parents of the risk.

One of the cases on which this article is based, Watson v. Mead Johnson, resulted in a $60 million judgment against Mead Johnson. Another, Gill v. Abbott Laboratories, et al., resulted in a $495 million judgment against Abbott. The third, Whitfield v. St. Louis Children’s Hospital, et al., resulted in a jury verdict in favor of Abbott and Mead Johnson, but the judge found errors and misconduct on the part of defense counsel, faulted his own performance, and granted the plaintiff a new trial.

The cases have involved children like Robynn Davis, who was born at 26 weeks, lost 75% to 80% of her intestine to NEC, suffered brain damage — and, at almost 3 years old, couldn’t walk, couldn’t really talk, and was eating through a tube, as Jacob Plattenberger, an attorney representing her, described in court in 2024.

An attorney for Abbott, James Hurst, said in court that Robynn suffered a catastrophic brain injury at birth, 10 days before she received any Abbott formula, and that her NEC resulted not from formula but from many health problems.

In at least three cases, a federal judge has granted summary judgment in favor of Abbott — ruling for the company before the lawsuits even reached trial.

The formula makers have repeatedly denied fault.

Addressing stock analysts in 2024, Abbott’s chief executive denounced as “without merit or scientific support” the theory that preterm infant formula or milk fortifier caused NEC.

In a joint statement issued in 2024, the FDA, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and the National Institutes of Health said there was “no conclusive evidence that preterm infant formula causes NEC.”

Mead Johnson’s O’Neill said the scientific consensus is that there is no established causal link between the use of specialized preterm hospital nutrition products and NEC.

Neonatologists use the products routinely, O’Neill said.

O’Neill cited a statement by the American Academy of Pediatrics saying the causes of NEC “are multifaceted and not completely understood.”

In a legal brief filed with an Illinois appeals court in the Watson case, the company said “the NEC-related risks” of a formula for preterm infants “are the subject of medical debate,” adding that trial evidence “demonstrated, at a minimum, uncertainty as to the magnitude of the risk, as well as the causal role of various feeding options in the development of NEC.”

Manufacturers say formula is needed when mother’s milk or human donor milk isn’t an option. Fortifier, a product tailored to preemies, is meant to augment mother’s milk when babies are born prematurely and a mother’s milk alone doesn’t deliver enough nutrition. The Mead Johnson fortifier used in the head-to-head clinical trial sponsored by Abbott was acidified to prevent bacterial contamination.

In March 2025, Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. announced that his department, which encompasses the FDA, was undertaking a review of infant formula, dubbed “Operation Stork Speed.” It includes reassessing nutrient requirements and increasing testing for heavy metals and other contaminants, HHS said.

However, FDA oversight of infant formula is limited. The agency doesn’t approve the products or their labeling. Whether to report adverse events — illnesses or deaths potentially related to the products — to the FDA is largely at manufacturers’ discretion.

The business of infant formula further spotlights a central contradiction in the Trump administration’s health policies. When it comes to food and medical products, the administration has criticized industry-funded research as unworthy of trust. Yet under Kennedy, it has disrupted, defunded, or sought to cut government-funded research, which could leave industry-funded research with a larger and more influential role.

It “is entirely appropriate for the Department to scrutinize research design, conflicts of interest, and funding sources, particularly when research is used to inform public policy,” HHS spokesperson Andrew Nixon said.

‘At the Table’

Company emails cited in litigation shed light on the industry’s approach to research.

In a 2015 email, when Mead Johnson was considering supplying some of its formula to a researcher for a study, a company neonatologist expressed concern that the results could be spun to make the preemie product look unsafe.

“However, we are more likely to have control over final language if we provide the small support and are ‘at the table’ with him,” Mead Johnson’s Timothy Cooper added in the email, which was cited in the Watson trial.

In 2017, Abbott exchanged a series of messages with researchers at Johns Hopkins University about a study on how the composition of infant formula might affect NEC in mice. The email thread became an exhibit in the Whitfield case.

Abbott was both funding and collaborating on the work, a later publication in a scientific journal shows.

Forwarding a draft of the resulting paper to Abbott, David Hackam, chief of pediatric surgery at the Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine, said in one of the emails, “We hope you like it.” He also requested help from Abbott in filling in information.

“The manuscript looks great!” Abbott’s Tapas Das wrote in May 2017, after a back-and-forth.

But Abbott had some changes, the email thread shows.

“We (VM & DT) made some edits in the text especially to soften a bit with the statement ‘infant formula seems responsible for developing NEC,’” Das wrote.

“Instead, we thought if we could state as ‘infant formula is linked to severity of NEC’. So we made changes throughout the text emphasizing on severity of NEC by infant formula rather than development of NEC by infant formula,” Das wrote.

Das wrote that “other factors are involved for NEC development as described in the text.”

Hackam did not respond to questions KFF Health News sent by email.

Efforts to reach Das and Cooper — including by phoning numbers and sending letters to addresses that appeared to be associated with them — were unsuccessful.

When Mead Johnson provided support to scientific researchers, the company would want to make sure they reported the results “in an honest way,” Cooper said in a deposition played in the Watson trial.

The Abbott co-authors “proposed routine edits to the article for scientific accuracy and for the consideration of the other authors, some of the most well-respected NEC researchers in the world,” Abbott’s Stoffel said.

“Abbott regularly collaborates with and publishes studies with leading NEC scientists for the benefit of both premature infants and the entire scientific community,” Stoffel said.

“The research studies Mead Johnson supports are conducted independently and appropriately, with full transparency,” said O’Neill, the Mead Johnson spokesperson.

‘In the Wrong Direction’

Transparency can be subjective.

More than a decade ago, Mead Johnson sponsored a clinical trial testing what was then a new acidified liquid fortifier against a powdered fortifier already on the market.

In the study, which enrolled 150 babies, 5% of infants fed the acidified liquid developed NEC compared with 1% of infants fed the powder, according to deposition testimony and a record of the clinical trial used in the Watson case.

That information was not included in a 2012 medical journal article that reported the study results.

The article, in the journal Pediatrics, whose authors included two Mead Johnson employees, concluded it was safe to use the new liquid fortifier instead of the powdered one. The article also said that, comparing babies fed the liquid with those fed the powder, the study observed no difference in the incidence of NEC.

The unpublished finding of 5% to 1% represented so few babies that it was not statistically significant.

Nonetheless, retired neonatologist Victor Herson, who ran a NICU in Connecticut and has studied fortifiers, said in an interview he would have wanted to see those numbers.

“The trend was in the wrong direction,” Herson said, “and would have, I think, alerted the typical neonatologist that, well, maybe not to rush in and adopt” the new fortifier.

It’s common for study publications to include tables showing complications even if they aren’t statistically significant so that readers can draw their own conclusions, Herson said.

Neonatologist Fernando Moya, a co-author of the Pediatrics article, had a different perspective.

“You may not be very familiar with medical literature but when there are no ‘statistically significant’ differences, we do not comment on whether something was increased or decreased,” Moya said by email. He referred questions to Mead Johnson.

Mead Johnson’s O’Neill gave several reasons why “the data you cite was not included in the publication.” She said the study was designed to examine infant nutrition and growth, NEC was a “secondary outcome,” the NEC numbers weren’t statistically significant, and the size of the study, “while appropriate, was not powered to draw any conclusions with respect to any potential differences in NEC.”

In a deposition used in the Watson trial, Carol Lynn Berseth — a co-author of the paper and Mead Johnson’s director of medical affairs for North America when the study was completed — testified that the article was peer-reviewed and that no reviewer asked for additional data.

“Had they asked for it, we would have shown it,” Berseth testified.

Berseth did not respond to a phone message or to an email or letter sent to addresses apparently associated with her.

‘It Should Not Be in a NICU’

The Abbott scientist who flagged research on Mead Johnson’s acidified fortifier in 2013, Bridget Barrett-Reis, was later listed as chair of AL16, the follow-up clinical trial Abbott sponsored, and as a co-author of resulting publications.

In a deposition, she was asked why she conducted the study.

“I conducted that study because I thought [the acidified fortifier] could be dangerous,” she said, “and I thought it would be a good idea to find out if it really was because nobody was doing anything about it.”

Elaborating on the thinking behind the study, she testified: “It should not be in a NICU in the United States. That product should not be anywhere for preterm infants.”

In her 2013 email recommending that Abbott conduct a study, Barrett-Reis cited findings by “an independent investigator,” Ann Anderson-Berry, that showed, compared with preterm infants fed an Abbott powder, those on Mead Johnson’s acidified liquid “had slower growth, higher incidence of metabolic acidosis and NEC!!”

Asked about the exclamation points, Barrett-Reis testified in a January 2024 deposition used in the Gill case that she wasn’t excited about the findings. “I am known to put exclamation points instead of question marks and everything anywhere, so I have no idea at the time what those meant,” she testified.

The research that caught her eye in 2013 reviewed patient records from the Nebraska Medical Center. The institution had switched to the acidified fortifier with high hopes but stopped using it after four months because it was concerned about patient outcomes, Anderson-Berry and Nebraska co-authors reported in January 2014.

In an interview, Anderson-Berry said she set out to analyze why, during those four months, babies’ growth “fell apart in our hands.”

Abbott was “very pleased” with Anderson-Berry’s findings and paid her to go around the country discussing them, she said.

Metabolic acidosis can be fatal, Anderson-Berry said. But typically it can be managed, she said, adding that she didn’t know of deaths from metabolic acidosis caused by the acidified fortifier.

Research has found that metabolic acidosis “is associated with poor developmental and neurologic outcomes in very low birth weight infants,” according to a paper Barrett-Reis co-authored. In addition, it is “a risk factor for neonatal necrotizing enterocolitis,” the paper said.

Barrett-Reis did not respond to inquiries for this article, including a message sent via LinkedIn and a letter sent to an address that appeared to be associated with her.

In court, Abbott representative Robyn Spilker testified that metabolic acidosis can be a very serious condition and that nobody should knowingly put kids at risk for getting NEC in an effort to make money.

Before infants were enrolled in the AL16 study, their parents or guardians had to sign consent forms disclosing, among other things, the risks that clinical trial subjects would face.

International ethical principles for medical research on humans, known as the Declaration of Helsinki, say each participant must be adequately informed of the “potential risks.”

Questioning Abbott’s Spilker in litigation, plaintiff’s attorney Timothy Cronin said, “Ma’am, despite the hypothesis going in, are you aware Abbott did not put metabolic acidosis on the informed consent form given to parents that signed their kids up for that study?” Spilker, who identified herself in court as a senior brand manager, said she didn’t know what was on the consent forms.

Through a request under a Kentucky open-records law, KFF Health News obtained an informed consent form for the AL16 study used at a public institution, the University of Louisville. The form mentioned risks such as diarrhea, constipation, gas, and fussiness. It did not mention metabolic acidosis or NEC.

KFF Health News also reviewed an informed consent form for the AL16 study used at Memorial Hospital of South Bend. It was largely identical to the one used in Louisville and did not mention metabolic acidosis or NEC.

Cronin, the plaintiff’s attorney, said in an interview that Abbott showed disregard for the health and safety of premature babies participating in the AL16 clinical trial.

“I think it’s unethical to do a study if you know you are subjecting participants in the study to an increased risk of a potentially deadly disease and you don’t at least tell them that,” Cronin said.

Anderson-Berry told KFF Health News that Abbott was “ethically well positioned” to conduct the AL16 clinical trial because her paper was not definitive.

Yet she said she was unwilling to enroll any of her patients in the Abbott clinical trial because she didn’t want to take the chance that they would be given the acidified liquid.

White, the neonatologist who stopped enrolling patients in the study, defended the decision to conduct it. In an interview, he said it was appropriate to conduct a large, properly controlled clinical trial to see whether concerns raised in earlier research were borne out. The two babies whose serious adverse events he reported to Abbott ended up doing fine, he said.

But White, who went on to be listed as a co-author of the study, told KFF Health News that parents should have been informed that the risks included metabolic acidosis and NEC.

“In retrospect, obviously, that is something that we, I think, should have informed parents of,” he said.

Abbott did not directly answer questions about the consent forms.

The results of AL16 were published in the Journal of Pediatrics in 2018. The conclusion: Infants fed the acidified product — in other words, the Mead Johnson fortifier — had higher rates of metabolic acidosis and poorer feeding tolerance. Plus, poorer “initial weight gain.”

The title of the article trumpeted “Improved Outcomes in Preterm Infants Fed a Nonacidified Liquid Human Milk Fortifier” — in other words, the Abbott product.

Eight of the 78 infants receiving the Mead Johnson fortifier were treated for metabolic acidosis, compared with none of the 82 receiving the Abbott product, the article said. Four infants on Mead Johnson’s product experienced serious adverse events, compared with one on the Abbott product, the article reported.

One infant receiving the Mead Johnson product died — from sepsis, the article said. One had a case of NEC, and infants on Mead Johnson’s fortifier “had significantly more vomiting,” the article said.

However, in a pair of letters to the editor published in the Journal of Pediatrics, doctors criticized the article as hyped. Writers said the article emphasized findings that were subjective and susceptible to bias.

In its business battle with Mead Johnson, Abbott deployed the study. It produced an annotated copy for its sales force, which was shown in the Whitfield trial.

Abbott’s use of AL16 as a marketing tool worked.

In 2019, when Barrett-Reis applied for a promotion at Abbott, she wrote that the results of the study had been “leveraged to secure whole hospital contracts which have increased hospital share to > 70%.”

Her letter was displayed in a deposition video filed in the Gill litigation.

Internally, Mead Johnson conceded it had been beaten in the fight over fortifiers. In the slide deck for a 2020 national sales meeting, the company said, “Abbott won the narrative.”

Share your story with us: Do you have experience with infant formula or any insights about it that you’d like to share? We’d like to hear from you. Click here to contact our reporting team.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

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Trump Team Claims Successes Against ACA Fraud While Pushing for More Controls

Complaints about enrollment fraud in Affordable Care Act health insurance coverage have bedeviled the federal marketplace for years.

Now, the Trump administration is claiming wins in reducing the problem while simultaneously saying more controls are needed.

It has proposed a sweeping set of ACA regulations for next year, including stepped-up requirements for some applicants to prove eligibility for subsidies or enrollment and new scrutiny of sales agents and marketing practices.

While there is a general acknowledgment that there is fraud in the ACA marketplace, some health policy analysts say these new requirements miss that mark and instead will make it harder for people who are eligible to enroll.

“There is a trade-off, particularly with the provisions focused on consumers, that maybe it will prevent some fraudulent enrollment, but also potentially a large number of valid applicants,” said Matthew Fiedler, a senior fellow with the Center on Health Policy at the Brookings Institution.

In its proposal, though, the administration expresses optimism that efforts already in place will continue to pay off, despite the fact that the number of complaints about unauthorized enrollment or switching rose to 341,906 in 2025, compared with 229,734 the year before Donald Trump took office. Still, according to the rule, “program integrity measures implemented during the past year,” along with the expiration of enhanced tax credits, “are likely to lead to a decrease” in complaints in 2026.

The end of those tax credits also means the amount people pay toward their coverage has increased. Data released Jan. 28 by federal officials showed a year-over-year drop of about 1.2 million enrollments across the federal healthcare.gov marketplace and those run by states. And a recent poll from KFF, a health information nonprofit that includes KFF Health News, found that of those who remained covered this year, 80% said their premiums or other costs are higher than they were last year, with 51% saying they are “a lot higher.”

Katie Keith, a director at Georgetown University’s O’Neill Institute for National and Global Health Law, said the administration was sending mixed messages, on one hand “talking about its fraud-fighting efforts” being successful, but releasing a proposed rule “that says we have to have all these restrictions on consumers because of fraud.”

Closing Consumer Windows

Last year, the Trump administration reversed some of the Biden administration’s ACA efforts, including eliminating a special enrollment period for low-income people that let them sign up year-round.

This year’s rule includes proposed changes aimed at preventing people from fudging their incomes — higher or lower — to qualify for subsidies.

For instance, applicants whose federal data shows they were previously below the poverty level — and thus not eligible for subsidies — would have to submit additional income verification to show they expect to earn above the poverty level in the coming year.

Another part of the proposed rule would require the federal marketplace, used by 30 states, to step up verification efforts for people who want to sign up outside of the ACA’s annual open enrollment period, for reasons including getting married, adopting a baby, or losing other coverage. Currently, the marketplaces conduct such reviews only when people say they qualify because they lost other insurance, according to an analysis of the proposal by Keith.

The income verification requirements “will be burdensome,” she said.

Some ACA applicants, especially those running small businesses or working several part-time jobs, find it more difficult to estimate or document their anticipated income and might find they’re prevented from getting subsidies, Keith and other analysts said.

These proposals are among policies reprised from last year’s ACA rule and initially intended to take effect in 2026. But several cities filed a lawsuit to challenge those regulations. The judge overseeing the case put the changes on hold pending its outcome.

In his order issuing a temporary stay, U.S. District Judge Brendan Hurson questioned whether the government adequately responded to questions about the accuracy of data it used in citing widespread fraud.

Additionally, many of the provisions purportedly targeting fraud are “unsupported by data showing that if enacted, they will, in fact, reduce any such fraud,” the judge wrote.

The proposal for 2027 has “new supporting information since the original policies were established” that includes clarifying what documentation is needed for some of the verification processes, Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services spokesperson Catherine Howden said in an email. In addition, she said that CMS is now reviewing public comments that have been submitted before finalizing the provisions.

Targeting Fraud by Agents, Marketers

Critics of the ACA argue that more-generous subsidies put in place as a response to the covid pandemic, in addition to other changes during the Biden administration, led rogue brokers to enroll or switch people without their consent, seeking to collect commissions. That could be done easily, critics say, because with many plans, subsidies covered the entire premium. The lack of a monthly bill made it easier to sign people up without their knowledge — a long-running problem that ramped up in 2024. When that happens it can leave people unable to access their coverage or with tax bills they did not expect.

Those expanded subsidies have now expired, but the administration’s proposed rule would still add requirements for agents. For example, they would be barred from providing cash or most other freebies as incentives to enroll, have to use a standard consent form that must be signed by the consumer, and be held responsible if they hired a marketing firm that used questionable advertising to lure customers. That includes touting nonexistent gift cards or making websites look like official government ACA portals. Such websites would have to be removed.

“This would help ensure no additional consumers would see the advertisement and be misled,” the proposal says.

Insurance agents told KFF Health News that some of the proposals, such as delineating what counts as a misleading marketing effort, are good first steps but might not fully address concerns about unauthorized enrollment.

It doesn’t “address all the system vulnerabilities,” said Jason Fine, who runs a brokerage in Florida. He said he has filed more than 100 reports about unauthorized rivals accessing his clients’ coverage over the past two years but has yet to see any of those agents removed from the federal marketplace.

More than 850 agents had their certification suspended with little notice in late 2024 under the Biden administration, which said it was looking into complaints about them. The Trump administration told the Government Accountability Office in May that it had reinstated all or most of those agents to fulfill its “statutory and regulatory” responsibilities, according to a preliminary report from the independent oversight group. The report, which outlined long-running fraud problems in the ACA, noted that CMS would continue to monitor those agents and could take “further enforcement action” against them.

Another Biden rule, this one aimed at combating unauthorized sign-ups, remains in place and requires agents to have three-way calls with the client and a federal marketplace call center representative for some enrollments or plan changes.

But Fine and other agents said bad actors are finding ways around that requirement, including by faking that they are the customer during the calls. That contention is backed up in the administration’s new proposal, which notes that federal regulators have received reports that some brokers “may be using artificial intelligence to impersonate consumers and falsely attest to household income.”

Still, the proposal does not include some of the measures agents say would improve the situation.

Fine, for example, said the federal marketplace should more proactively flag unusual activity on consumer accounts, such as multiple agent changes or switches to new insurers within a short period of time, or changes made in the dead of night.

“Overnight is when a lot of this fraud occurs,” Fine said. “No one is changing their insurance at 4 a.m., and that should trigger an automatic fraud alert.” He also wants to see a proposal to rein in overseas call centers that contact U.S. residents — often repeatedly, sometimes making claims about free gift cards or other nonexistent perks — then send their information to agents looking to enroll them or switch their ACA plans.

Others, including Ronnell Nolan, president of Health Agents for America, have also long called for two-factor authentication, similar to what banks require, to confirm that enrollments or switches are approved by the consumer. The 20 states, plus the District of Columbia, that run their own marketplaces incorporate additional measures, including two-factor authentication, and have reported few of the types of problems that the federal market has seen, Nolan said. The administration’s proposed rule does not call for this protection.

A conservative think tank, the Paragon Health Institute, estimates there are several million fraudulent enrollments, but other groups — including the GAO, using a different methodology — have put the estimate far lower.

Based on its preliminary analysis, the GAO estimated there were “at least 160,000 applications in plan year 2024 that had likely unauthorized changes,” representing about 1.5% of all applications.

Meanwhile, Brookings’ Fiedler said the debate around the proposal highlights an ongoing question — not just how much fraud exists or what to do about it, but “how much government should help people get covered at all.”

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

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What the Health? From KFF Health News: A Headless CDC

The Host

Julie Rovner KFF Health News @jrovner @julierovner.bsky.social Read Julie's stories. Julie Rovner is chief Washington correspondent and host of KFF Health News’ weekly health policy news podcast, "What the Health?" A noted expert on health policy issues, Julie is the author of the critically praised reference book "Health Care Politics and Policy A to Z," now in its third edition.

The Trump administration this week missed a deadline to nominate a new director for the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Without a nominee, current acting Director Jay Bhattacharya — who is also the director of the National Institutes of Health — has to give up that title, leaving no one at the helm of the nation’s primary public health agency. 

Meanwhile, a week after one federal judge blocked changes to the childhood vaccine schedule made by the Department of Health and Human Services, another blocked a proposed ban on gender-affirming care for minors. 

This week’s panelists are Julie Rovner of KFF Health News, Rachel Cohrs Zhang of Bloomberg News, Lizzy Lawrence of Stat, and Shefali Luthra of The 19th.

Panelists

Rachel Cohrs Zhang Bloomberg News @rachelcohrs Lizzy Lawrence Stat @LizzyLaw_ @lizzylawrence.bsky.social Ready Lizzy's stories. Shefali Luthra The 19th @shefali.bsky.social Read Shefali's stories.

Among the takeaways from this week’s episode:

  • A federal judge ruled against the Trump administration’s declaration intended to limit trans care for minors, though the ruling’s practical effects will depend on whether hospitals resume such care. And a key member of the remade federal vaccine advisory panel resigned as the panel’s activities — and even membership — remain in legal limbo.
  • Two senior administration health posts remain unfilled, after President Donald Trump missed a deadline to fill the top job at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention — and the Senate made little progress on confirming his nominee for surgeon general.
  • The percentage of international graduates from foreign medical schools who match into U.S. residency positions has dropped to a five-year low. That’s notable given immigrants represent a quarter of physicians, many of them in critical but lower-paid specialties such as primary care — particularly in rural areas. Meanwhile, new surveys show that more than a quarter of labs funded by the National Institutes of Health have laid off workers and that federal research funding cuts have had a disproportionate effect on women and early-career scientists.
  • And new data shows the number of abortions in the United States stayed relatively stable last year, for the second straight year — largely due to telehealth access to abortion care. And a vocal opponent of abortion in the Senate, with his eyes on a presidential run, introduced legislation to effectively rescind federal approval for the abortion pill mifepristone.

Also this week, Rovner interviews Georgetown Law Center’s Katie Keith about the state of the Affordable Care Act on its 16th anniversary.

Plus, for “extra credit,” the panelists suggest health policy stories they read this week that they think you should read, too:

Julie Rovner: Stat’s “The Potential Loophole in Trump’s Plan To Get Other Countries To Pay More for Drugs,” by John Wilkerson. 

Shefali Luthra: NPR’s “Yep. A Mom’s COVID Shot During Pregnancy Protects Her Baby, a Large Study Finds,” by Tara Haelle. 

Lizzy Lawrence: The Atlantic’s “The Meme-Washing of RFK Jr.,” by Nicholas Florko. 

Rachel Cohrs Zhang: The Boston Globe’s “‘We’re on the Inside Now’: Meet the Man Building a Political Empire Behind RFK Jr.” by Tal Kopan. 

Also mentioned in this week’s podcast:

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KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

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An Arm and a Leg: Steep Health Care Costs Steer Americans to Tough Decisions

Health insurance is out of reach for millions of Americans this year. Many are making difficult decisions about how to pay for coverage amid the loss of Affordable Care Act subsidies and nosebleed-high premiums.

Attorney Nicole Wipp and skate-shop owner Noah Hulsman tell An Arm and a Leg host Dan Weissmann how they tried to balance their financial and physical health when they couldn’t find good options.

Wipp and Hulsman first spoke with KFF Health News senior correspondent Renuka Rayasam for the series “Priced Out,” which tracks how people are responding to skyrocketing health insurance costs.

Dan Weissmann @danweissmann Host and producer of "An Arm and a Leg." Previously, Dan was a staff reporter for Marketplace and Chicago's WBEZ. His work also appears on "All Things Considered," Marketplace, the BBC, 99% Invisible, and "Reveal" from the Center for Investigative Reporting.

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Emily Pisacreta Producer Claire Davenport Producer Adam Raymonda Audio wizard Ellen Weiss Editor Click to open the Transcript Transcript: ‘Not workable’: How two Americans picked a plan this year — or didn’t

Note: “An Arm and a Leg” uses speech-recognition software to generate transcripts, which may contain errors. Please use the transcript as a tool but check the corresponding audio before quoting the podcast.

Dan: Hey there. About a dozen years ago, Nicole Wipp was trying to spend less time running her law firm and more time with her son, who was in preschool. ?It was a work in progress. 

And then she started feeling— a little off. ?Tired. Out of breath. Her doctor thought it was stress.

Nicole didn’t think so, but she soldiered on. And got worse. For months. Until one day— when she told her husband she just couldn’t get off the couch — he was like, you’re going to urgent care. An x-ray showed her whole left lung totally blacked out.?

 Next stop, emergency room. 

Nicole Wipp: They put a huge needle and shoved it into my back and drew out two liters. Imagine a whole two-liter of pop – I’m from Michigan, so I say pop – from your body. They draw a whole two-liter of liquid. And I felt so much better immediately. I was like, wow, I can breathe. Like, wow, this is so cool. But, um, it was sort of horrifying.

Dan: Nicole says she eventually got diagnosed with a rare lung condition

Nicole Wipp: It’s called lymphangioleiomyomatosis — LAMB for short.

Dan: But not before she’d spent a month in hospitals — hospitals, plural — and had multiple expensive surgeries.

Nicole Wipp: Minimum — my husband and I tried to like tally it all up, like look at all the bills afterward — and it was, minimum, a half a million dollars. 

Dan: Which, because her husband’s job at the time provided good health insurance, didn’t break them.

Nicole’s condition hasn’t bothered her for years. But it’s not cured. It’s incurable.

And yet. This year, Nicole and her husband didn’t sign up for health insurance.

For more than 20 million people on Obamacare plans, the price of health insurance changed dramatically this year. Premiums skyrocketed just as subsidies got sharply reduced. 

Some people faced horrifically stark new circumstances: 

People who needed insurance to cover ongoing treatment: for cancer, for diabetes — treatment they literally could not live without — saw premiums jump by thousands of dollars a month, more than they could possibly afford.

And millions more got stuck taking gambles. Making messy, unsatisfying choices. 

Our partners at KFF Health News have been talking with lots of those people. 

They introduced us to Nicole. She and her husband could have paid for health insurance. But when rates went up, they did the math and decided not to. They’re generally healthy, and honestly have more financial cushion than most people. 

If they need medical care — ordinary medical care, anyway— they think they’ll be better off just paying cash. 

But they know they’re gambling: that 2026 won’t be the year Nicole’s condition flares up, or that some other catastrophe hits.

Our pals at KFF Health News also introduced us to this man:

Noah Hulsman: My name’s Noah Hulsman. I own and operate Home Skateboard Shop here in Louisville, Kentucky.

Dan: It’s Louisville’s only skateboard shop. It’s kind of a family business, kind of a community center, kind of a place Noah’s spent most of his 37 years. 

Noah’s still paying for insurance — paying for  protection against catastrophe. But because all he can afford this year is a bare-bones plan, he doesn’t have a way to pay for ordinary medical care. Which he could actually really use. 

Noah Hulsman: So I’m kind of in a position right now… I need my left shoulder looked at, but I have an $8,400 deductible. Yeah.

Dan:  We’ll get into that — it sucks. But first: I really want you to hear about this skateboard shop.

Noah Hulsman: When I tell the story, it almost seems like a movie or something. Like, somebody made this up.

Dan: Let’s go. 

This is An Arm and a Leg — a show about why health care costs so freaking much, and what we can maybe do about it. I’m Dan Weissmann. I’m a reporter, and I like a challenge. So the job we’ve chosen here is to take one of the most enraging, terrifying, depressing parts of American life, and bring you a show that’s entertaining, empowering, and useful.

Here’s how Noah ended up a skater for life.

Noah Hulsman: So my grandmother, she opened up a skateboard shop in 1988 here in Louisville. It was called Skateboards Unlimited. She had a little skate park also behind it called Ottoman Skate Park.

Dan: Noah’s grandmother was not a skater. She’d been a nurse — but she had five kids, and Noah says she ended up more of a stay-at-home mom.

Noah Hulsman: And then with all the commotion that was always occurring, with all the friends in and outta the house, with having five kids and all these skateboarders that just started popping up, she just decided, you know what? Let’s like have a place for you all to go.

Dan: She opened Skateboards Unlimited — and a skate park behind it.

When her youngest son finished high school — and moved to the West Coast as a professional skateboarder — it was the end of an era. And the beginning of another. 

Noah’s grandma closed up Skateboards Unlimited. 

Noah Hulsman: And uh, that’s when one of her employees was like, you know what? We gotta keep having a skate shop. 

Dan: They called it Home Skate Shop. Noah became a regular customer, eventually an employee. And — ten years ago, when he was 27, — he took over the business. 

Noah is as invested as anybody could possibly be.

Noah Hulsman: It’s everything. It’s my whole life. Yeah.

Dan: It’s doing OK. There were a few rocky years early on — Noah says he qualified for Medicaid. But things actually picked up when the pandemic started.

Noah Hulsman: Skateboarding was one of the only things that you do by yourself. You’re doing it outside. If I would’ve been able to get a hold of more product, we would’ve, we would’ve killed it.

Dan: Noah got an Obamacare plan, and he even bought a building — he leases out a couple of apartments, runs an air bnb in a third one, and says he breaks even on it, right now..

Noah Hulsman: They say, you know, real estate is a long term game.

Dan: Noah’s a long-term kind of guy.

\He and his girlfriend have been together for 16 years — even while she was away at veterinary school.

Noah Hulsman: She just finished up at Auburn this past year and moved back home and yeah, it’s been awesome.

Dan: Now they live together — with their four cats — in an apartment less than a mile from where his grandma started her skate shop.

But it’s not a cushy living. Noah says he takes odd jobs and gives skateboarding lessons to make ends meet.

Noah Hulsman: Every single day is a hustle. There is no day, like you can’t get sick, you can’t be–  no downtime. If you take vacations, you’re still working from your phone, you’re checking in on the shop.

Dan: Noah says his income — all in — has been holding steady at around $33,000 a year. Last year, with a subsidy, he was able to get a gold plan for about a hundred and five dollars a month.

For 2026 — with premiums jacked up and subsidies cranked down — that gold plan would have cost him an extra $500 a month. That’s $6000 a year. Way more than he could afford.

Instead, he picked a Bronze plan. It leaves him paying pretty much exactly the same every month as he did last year, but it covers so much less.

Noah Hulsman: I don’t even know why I’m paying that. It’s useless really, unless I get into a car accident and I have $10,000 worth of bills.

Dan: Or a skateboarding accident. Or a serious illness. Anything.

He’s holding onto the plan as a backstop against a worst-case scenario, against ending up with more debt than he could ever pay back.

But having a backstop is not the same as having access to medical care.

A few months ago, Noah says his left shoulder started bothering him. He says it doesn’t stop him from day-to-day stuff, running the shop. But it does impose limits. 

Noah Hulsman: It’s those like quick movements. It’s those like blast-off times like when I’m popping on my skateboard or when I’m like turning a certain like front side and like throwing all my weight that way. 

Dan: His bronze plan — with its $8400 deductible — means he can’t afford to get it checked out.

Noah Hulsman: To go through, okay first you have to go see primary care, then they gotta do the x-ray. Then once you see the x-ray, oh, we can’t tell anything from the x-ray. Yeah, we know because it’s ligaments and tendons and muscles and things like, I’m not a doctor, but I’ve been through this a few times. So, okay, we’re gonna get you the MRI. All right. Here’s the MRI. None of that’s gonna be covered.

Dan: It sounds like thousands of dollars to Noah — to me too, really. And that’s before getting it treated, which could mean surgery.

Noah doesn’t have thousands of dollars lying around. If he did, he would’ve paid up for the gold plan. 

So he’s avoiding tricks that could irritate the shoulder,

Noah Hulsman:  I can still skateboard. I just have to choose what tricks or what obstacles. I don’t have like the freedom that I had when I used to ride my skateboard.

Dan: He’s hoping he can nurse the injury along till next year, when he thinks he could afford better insurance. 

Noah Hulsman: What I’m kind of planning on doing is my, my shop vehicle is about to be paid off next year or like at, at the, I think it’s like middle of next year. And that payment is basically what that gold plan payment is.

Dan: Yeah, yeah,

Noah Hulsman: That’s what’s probably gonna happen. That’s my new car payment. New shoulder payment.

Dan: Man, that super sucks. I mean, grimly hilarious 

Noah Hulsman: Yeah. Yeah. I mean, if this, you have to just laugh at how ridiculous the world is these days. There’s, I mean, if you just take it serious, doom and gloom all the time, it’s going to, you’re not gonna make it. You gotta just laugh these days. It’s so ridiculous.

Dan: It is. Noah is far from alone. A Gallup poll taken in late 2025 found that more than a quarter of all Americans had postponed surgery or medical treatment because of cost.

Being insured and having access to medical care — for lots of people, they haven’t been the same for a long time.

This year, especially for people using Obamacare, that’s accelerating. 

We don’t know yet how many people made choices like Noah’s, and moved to plans that cover less, in order to have a monthly payment they could kind of afford.

Federal numbers won’t be out for a while. But an analyst named Charles Gaba ran some preliminary numbers from a few states.

He found that the number of people in Silver and Gold and Platinum plans was down significantly. And the number of people in Bronze plans, the cheapest, was up dramatically.

And we do know that at least a million people have dropped Obamacare. Some have dropped insurance altogether. Including, of course, Nicole Wipp.

We’re coming back to her story, just ahead. 

This episode of An Arm and a Leg is produced in partnership with KFF Health News. That’s a nonprofit newsroom reporting on health issues in America. The reporters at KFF Health News do amazing work — win all kinds of awards every year. And in a little while, you’ll meet the KFF reporter who introduced me to Noah Hulsman and Nicole Wipp.

Dan: Before Nicole Wipp knew that her Obamacare rates would be going up, she knew she was pissed at what she calls the insurance industrial complex. 

Nicole Wipp: So my son. Just for example, we took him— called in advance, ‘do you take our insurance?’ Took him to get basic well child vaccines. Well, next thing I know, I got a bill for $4,000. I called them up and was like, what is this? 

Dan: She says that was early 2025, and she’s been fighting ever since. 

Nicole Wipp: They’ve cut it down to like 1200, but I’m like, no, no, no, no, no. It should be a hundred percent covered under our insurance, So that’s the thing is like, why would I participate in this?

Dan: And at least since her half-a-million-dollar medical adventure Nicole Wipp has been pretty determined to live life on her own terms.

Even before her illness, she had already been trying to spend less time running her law practice and more time with her family.

Then, after the illness, she more than doubled down on that. On her website, she says she went from working 80 hours a week to working just five days a month.

That’s the website for a new business she started after her recovery: a consulting and coaching practice that offers to help people achieve financial success on their own terms. 

Nicole Wipp: Financial success for me is very much not just about money, it’s really more about quality of life and having enough money to have that quality of life.

Dan: So, for instance, about four years after her illness, Nicole’s family moved from Michigan to Hawaii.

Nicole Wipp: We said, we want to live in Hawaii because we wanna have a quality of life. And of course, living in Hawaii is not cheap. It’s one of the most expensive places in the United States to live.

Dan: But that’s what they wanted. And they made it work. 

And then their son got into polo. Like, with horses. Which is harder to do in Hawaii— to do seriously, competitively — without a lot of traveling to the mainland. So they moved again, to South Carolina.

Nicole Wipp: And we did, by the way, when we moved back to the mainland, FedExed four horses from Hawaii

Dan: Oh my God.

Nicole Wipp: I know, and like when you say, all these things, it sounds insane, right? It is insane. 

Dan: Since then, she says they’ve picked up another four horses.

Nicole Wipp: Now we have a total of eight, which is a lot, a lot by the way. Um, and so, you know, I say it out loud and I’m like, oh, I’m not proud of this, to be honest with you. But, but we have also though made other choices like we live in a smaller home than we would otherwise, so that we can do that.

Dan: And that home is in a part of South Carolina where houses aren’t super- expensive. So Nicole says the mortgage on their house is less than the $1400 they would’ve been paying if they’d kept their insurance this year. 

The expensive horses, the less-expensive home…

Nicole Wipp:  Like these are choices that we’ve made as a family that I understand very much that most people would never make these choices, but we’re doing it in as responsible of a fashion as we possibly can.

Dan: A few years ago, her husband changed careers— no more job-based health coverage. They started buying insurance on the Obamacare exchange.

But by mid-2025, it started looking like that insurance could get a lot more expensive. Not because they’d lose a subsidy — they hadn’t qualified for a subsidy to start with. 

But if subsidies went away, she figured rates would go way up.  

Nicole Wipp: I started bringing it up to my husband. Like, I don’t know what this is gonna look like. I’m very worried about it. And we may be in a situation where we need to make a choice 

Dan: Could they contemplate doing without insurance?

Nicole Wipp: And so we had probably, you know, 20 conversations, at least, about it.

Dan: Before making a decision — even before 2026 rates got posted — Nicole and her husband started taking some steps. She scheduled a colonoscopy, and went to the dermatologist for a skin check. Her husband got some tests too.

If they didn’t have insurance next year, those tests wouldn’t be covered. And if any tests came back with scary results, insurance would be more important.

Obamacare premiums for 2026 got published. Their family’s rate would go up by about 50 percent. 

Nicole Wipp: Once the numbers came out, I was like, I just don’t know if this makes sense.?But we were like, okay, we need to gather more information. We need to think about it some more. 

Dan: Their tests had come back OK. And they felt fine. Maybe they wouldn’t need any medical care in 2026, or not much. But maybe they would. How might they pay the bills? They kept talking. And they identified some ideas.

For one thing, Nicole found some money socked away in a health savings account from her husband’s old job. 

Nicole Wipp: It’s not a lot, but it was like, oh, that’s a nice little cushion. Like we could use that if we needed it. 

Dan: Nicole figured, if they were paying cash, she’d be in a good position to negotiate with providers for discounts. 

Nicole Wipp: Because I’m a lawyer and I’ve been around the block on these things, so I had a lot of faith that I could negotiate a bill.

Dan: And she had other ideas for finding deals. 

Nicole Wipp: I was like, you know, depending on what the situation is, we could fly to another country, receive healthcare quality healthcare. It still would be less. And I am not above doing that.

Dan: And if all of that required more cash than they had lying around, Nicole figured, they still had options. 

Nicole Wipp: We have certain assets that in an extreme emergency we could sell – I mean, because it’s not just the horses. We have horse trailers and like, you know, there’s a lot that goes along with all of that that isn’t just the horses by the way.

Dan: None of which made the decision easy. Nicole says she and her husband didn’t fully decide until the actual deadline came for signing up. Even then, they knew they were gonna keep their son insured.

Nicole Wipp: I would be in my opinion, not responsible as a mom, so… because he does play a very dangerous sport.

Dan: But for the adults, they weighed the risks, and decided to gamble.

Nicole Wipp: If I take that money and invest it instead of putting, I don’t know, am I gonna be out further ahead? I will if I don’t have a massive emergency and a half a million dollar illness. Um, right? And so it’s a gamble, like, right? All of this is a gamble, but it was a gamble that I was like, I just don’t want to participate in this any longer because this is not workable for almost anybody, but it certainly isn’t workable for me anymore mentally or emotionally.

Dan: Not workable for almost anybody. 

[Music transition]

Renu Rayasam: I mean, I also think about this as a reporter. We have these individual stories. What do they mean? First of all, why is this system like this and what does it mean for everyone?

Dan: That’s Renu Rayasam. She’s a senior correspondent with our partners at KFF Health News. She introduced me to Nicole and to Noah. She and her colleagues have been talking with dozens of people about the choices they’ve been forced to make about insurance this year.

?And thinking about what those individual stories mean has led Renu to some big reflections. 

Renu Rayasam: I think sometimes in the US you take for granted the way things are. Just you don’t, you don’t realize there is another way, you know? There is another way! And um, and that’s where everybody has health insurance and those costs are better spread out. 

Dan: Renu is speaking in part from experience. She spent a half-dozen years living in Germany. We talked about her experience— and how it affects the way she sees stories like Nicole’s and Noah’s. 

Renu Rayasam: ?Well first of all, it was kind of amazing to like never get a medical bill. Like that was like, like so mind blowing that you just, like, you go to the doctor and you never get a bill. 

Dan: Not because the government pays for health care. But because the government requires everybody to have health insurance. 

Renu Rayasam:  People pay premiums. ?You have to pay into the system. And it’s not necessarily cheap either.??But then on the back end, you’re never worried about, oh, my shoulders hurt, I have to get this MRI and I’m gonna get a bill.

Dan: ?Most people pay a government-set rate — about 15 percent of their income. Most insurance funds are non-profit. Everything’s highly regulated, and everybody gets the same benefits. Here, things are … more chaotic. Less predictable. People have to make hard choices— and those choices feed back into the chaos. 

Renu Rayasam: So if somebody like Nicole opts out of health insurance, they’re not paying into this system and the people who are paying into the system are people who need care. And so that makes health insurance more expensive generally. 

Dan: Because insurers set their rates based on how much they expect to pay out. When healthy people bail, the rates go up. And when rates go up, healthy people bail. They reinforce each other. It’s what experts call a death spiral.

As some of those experts told Renu, a version of that happened over the last year. ?It wasn’t a coincidence that insurers jacked up prices when subsidies were on the chopping block. 

Renu Rayasam: Part of the reason that insurers raised their prices was because they expected people to drop plans and that fewer people would be paying their premiums and be paying into the system.

Dan: And people like Nicole and Noah ended up with lousy choices to make. 

Noah chose to keep paying for insurance as a backstop against absolute financial catastrophe — even though the insurance he can afford doesn’t give him access to medical care he needs. 

Nicole and her husband think they’ve got the resources to pay for ordinary medical care. Even maybe a big medical deal — as long as there was time to hop on a plane and get to a country where they could afford treatment.

But they’re not protected against the worst. Nicole knows bankruptcy is a real possibility. 

Nicole Wipp: We don’t have a guarantee. And it still weighs on me every day that I made this choice because it feels fraught. Do I regret it? No, not at the moment. I don’t. Will I regret it? I hope not.

Dan: Hmm.

Nicole Wipp: I don’t know though.

Dan: Yeah, you’re not like, I did it. I’m free, you know, this is the best. It’s like, no, you’re not free of it.

Nicole Wipp: No, I don’t feel free at all.

Dan: I wish I had a snappier ending to this story. We are more stuck than ever — all of us — making messy choices, hoping for the best. So I’m gonna give Noah the last word here. 

He’s taking his own advice: Taking things as they come, recognizing what’s ridiculous, and aiming to hang in there for the long term.

Noah Hulsman: ?Hopefully we, you know, get enough equity in this building that once it’s time to pass the skateboard shop on, maybe sell the building and hopefully that’s when we get to maybe cash out and go to the beach. 

Dan: Wow. 

Noah Hulsman: ?Maybe. Or maybe I’ll just get to pay off my medical debt that I’ve accrued over however many years at that point.

Dan: We’ll be back in a few weeks with a new episode. Till then, take care of yourself. 

This episode of An Arm and a Leg was produced me, Dan Weissmann, with help from Emily Pisacreta — and edited by Ellen Weiss. 

Adam Raymonda is our audio wizard.

Our music is by Dave Weiner and Blue Dot Sessions. 

Claire Davenport is our engagement producer.

Sarah Ballema is our Operations Manager. Bea Bosco is our consulting director of operations. 

An Arm and a Leg is produced in partnership with KFF Health News. That’s a national newsroom producing in-depth journalism about health issues in America and a core program at KFF, an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism.

 Zach Dyer is senior audio producer at KFF Health News. He’s editorial liaison to this show.

An Arm and a Leg is distributed by KUOW, Seattle’s NPR news station.

And thanks to the Institute for Nonprofit News for serving as our fiscal sponsor.

They allow us to accept tax-exempt donations. You can learn more about INN at INN.org.

Finally, thank you to everybody who supports this show financially.

You can join in any time at arm and a leg show, dot com, slash: support.

“An Arm and a Leg” is a co-production of KFF Health News and Public Road Productions.

For more from the team at “An Arm and a Leg,” subscribe to its weekly newsletter, “First Aid Kit.” You can also follow the show on FacebookInstagramLinkedIn, and Bluesky. And if you’ve got stories to tell about the health care system, the producers would love to hear from you.

To hear all KFF Health News podcasts, click here.

And subscribe to “An Arm and a Leg” on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, Pocket Casts, or wherever you listen to podcasts.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

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Aunque tengas seguro dental, la factura puede ser muy alta

Russell Anthony fue ocho veces al dentista el año pasado. El jubilado de 65 años que vive en Nashville, Tennessee, espera ir con menos frecuencia en 2026, pero ya ha tenido algunas consultas.

“La semana pasada me hicieron un tratamiento de conducto (endodoncia) que costó unos $500”, dijo. “Antes me colocaron una corona que me costó varios cientos de dólares. Y ahora mismo tengo un diente roto, así que tengo que ir al dentista pronto”.

En total, Anthony calcula que pagará alrededor de $2.000 por esta atención este año, aunque tiene seguro dental.

“Tratar de evaluar el costo de cuándo ir a recibir atención dental y pagar por ello, frente a otras necesidades que tengo, es algo muy importante”, agregó Anthony.

La Asociación Dental Estadounidense (American Dental Association, ADA) informó que el 77% de los adultos en Estados Unidos tenía seguro dental en 2021. Pero esa cobertura no protege necesariamente contra facturas elevadas.

De hecho, 1 de cada 4 adultos con seguro dental reportó que el costo es una barrera para recibir atención, según una encuesta de 2023 de KFF, una organización sin fines de lucro de información de salud que incluye KFF Health News.

Aquí hay tres cosas que debes saber para entender mejor tu plan dental y mantener los costos lo más bajos posible:

  1. Incluso con seguro dental, tendrás que pagar por procedimientos

Los planes dentales suelen cubrir completamente la atención de rutina, pero solo pagan una parte del trabajo adicional. Los beneficios varían, pero muchos planes siguen la regla “100/80/50”: cubren el 100% de la atención preventiva, como limpiezas y exámenes, el 80% en el caso de procedimientos básicos, como empastes y endodoncias, y el 50% de otros procedimientos mayores.

Además, los planes dentales suelen tener un límite máximo anual de pago, por lo general, de entre $1.000 y $2.000. Los pacientes deben pagar cualquier costo que supere ese límite. Por ejemplo, si tu plan tiene un máximo de $1.500 y necesitas $4.000 en tratamientos dentales, tendrás que pagar la diferencia de $2.500.

  1. ¿Enfrentas una factura dental alta? Tienes opciones

Puede resultar incómodo hablar de dinero directamente con un dentista, pero es útil ser claro sobre lo que puedes pagar.

Muchas clínicas odontológicas ofrecen opciones de financiamiento para ayudar a los pacientes a manejar el costo de la atención, incluyendo estimaciones previas al tratamiento y planes de pago. Si recibes un presupuesto que parece muy alto, revisa los detalles y considera buscar una segunda opinión. También puedes preguntar si ofrecen algún descuento.

Si necesitas una opción de menor costo, puedes considerar las escuelas de odontología, que a menudo ofrecen atención con descuento, o los centros de salud comunitaria federales, que ajustan los precios según los ingresos del paciente.

  1. Visitar al dentista con regularidad puede ayudar a mantener bajos los costos

Sarah Olim, dentista generalista en Katy, Texas, recomienda a sus pacientes hacer cita cada seis meses.

“Lo mejor que puede hacer para reducir el costo de ir al dentista es asegurarse de ir con regularidad y tratar los problemas a tiempo”, dijo.

Olim atiende a pacientes sin importar cuánto tiempo haya pasado desde su última visita. Pero advirtió que quienes esperan varios años entre consultas pueden encontrar que sus citas son más costosas y más incómodas.

¿La razón? Los problemas dentales generalmente no se resuelven por sí solos. Por ejemplo, una caries pequeña que requiere un empaste rápido puede costar $200. Si no se trata, puede convertirse en un problema mayor que requiera un tratamiento de conducto o endodoncia y una corona, con un costo de miles de dólares.

Tu dentista también te recomendará seguir medidas preventivas básicas: cepillarte los dientes durante dos minutos, dos veces al día. Olim aconseja a sus pacientes tomarse el tiempo o escuchar una canción que les guste para asegurarse de cepillarse el tiempo suficiente.

Personas y políticas

Los legisladores federales han intentado aumentar el acceso de los niños al seguro dental. Bajo la Ley de Cuidado de Salud a Bajo Precio (ACA), la atención dental se considera un beneficio esencial de salud para los menores, por lo que los planes de salud en el mercado individual deben ofrecer cobertura dental para menores de 18 años.

Los programas estatales de Medicaid también deben cubrir la atención dental para niños.

Emily Siner, de Nashville Public Radio, contribuyó con este informe.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

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Algunos adultos de mediana edad deciden posponer la atención médica hasta tener Medicare

John Galvin es consciente de que necesita una colonoscopía. Pero está esperando hasta diciembre para hacerla, cuando cumpla 65 años y califique para Medicare.

Estaba pensando en retrasar el estudio, contó, porque este año la prima mensual del seguro de Obamacare se le triplicó a $2.460, lo que es igual a cerca de un tercio de sus ingresos.

Con un deducible de $2.700, habría tenido que pagar de su propio bolsillo la mayor parte del examen diagnóstico, un golpe económico que aseguró no poder asumir.

Galvin vive en North Kingstown, Rhode Island, y se retiró recientemente como director de una empresa de equipos médicos. “La colonoscopía me iba a costar cerca de $3.000. Así que decidí postergarla”, explicó.

También Nancy, la esposa de Galvin, está retrasando una costosa tomografía computarizada por unos años, hasta que pueda aplicar a Medicare y que el programa federal de salud cubra el costo. Medicare ofrece cobertura para todos los estadounidenses de 65 años en adelante.

Las personas con planes de la Ley de Cuidado de Salud a Bajo Precio (ACA) que están cerca de la edad de jubilación fueron de las más afectadas por los aumentos de precios luego de la suspensión de los subsidios federales mejorados, a finales de diciembre.

Quienes tenían ingresos superiores al 400% del nivel federal de pobreza —$86.560 para una familia de dos miembros— habían estado recibiendo ayuda para pagar los planes desde que la administración Biden amplió los subsidios durante la pandemia de covid-19. Los adultos de 50 a 64 años representaban alrededor de la mitad de los inscritos en ACA.

Ahora, sin esa ayuda financiera, algunas personas en este grupo de edad dicen que están pensando si no les conviene retrasar la atención médica hasta que califiquen para Medicare.

Según defensores de pacientes, médicos y expertos en políticas de salud, esta decisión no solo puede poner en riesgo la salud, sino también generar mayores costos para el sistema. Al postergar la atención médica hasta alcanzar la elegibilidad para Medicare, muchas afecciones se pueden agravar, lo que termina trasladando el gasto a los contribuyentes.

“Habrá mucha demanda acumulada y necesidades no atendidas”, dijo Jessica Schubel, consultora de políticas de salud que trabajó en las administraciones de Barack Obama y Joe Biden. “Medicare va a tener que gastar mucho dinero cubriendo y manejando esos tratamientos”.

ACA ha sido una fuente clave de cobertura médica para personas de 50 a 64 años. El acceso a los planes del Obamacare ayudó a reducir a la mitad la tasa de personas sin seguro en este sector, según AARP, un grupo de defensa que representa a adultos mayores.

Esto permitió que algunas personas se jubilaran antes manteniendo cobertura. También ha servido como red de seguridad para los dueños de pequeños negocios y para quienes tienen empleos que no ofrecen seguro médico.

El otoño pasado se produjo el cierre del gobierno más largo de la historia, en medio de un intento fallido de los demócratas por extender los subsidios mejorados. Los republicanos que se opusieron a la medida argumentaron que la ayuda beneficiaba a las aseguradoras e incentivaba el fraude y la oferta de cobertura innecesaria.

El tema seguirá siendo relevante en la política, especialmente ante las elecciones de medio término de este año, incluso entre los estadounidenses mayores, que votan de manera regular, dijo el estratega republicano Gregg Keller, quien dirige Atlas Strategy Group.

“¿El costo de la atención médica va a ser un tema? Sin duda”, dijo. “¿Los precios de la atención médica influirán? Sí”.

Incluso antes de que expiraran los subsidios, los costos de la atención médica, los hogares de adultos mayores y los medicamentos recetados eran algunas de las principales preocupaciones de salud entre las personas mayores de 50 años, según una encuesta de 2024 de la Universidad de Michigan.

Los adultos de mediana edad con planes del Obamacare sienten con más fuerza el impacto de la eliminación de estos subsidios, porque ACA permite que las aseguradoras les cobren a las personas de 60 años primas hasta tres veces mayores que a las de 20, ya que estas últimas, por lo general, usan menos servicios médicos.

Y muchos adultos de mediana edad ya estaban inscriptos en los planes de menor costo disponibles, lo que los deja sin opciones más baratas, señaló Matt McGough, analista de políticas en KFF, una organización sin fines de lucro de información en salud que incluye KFF Health News.

“Esto es muy grave para las personas mayores inscriptas en el mercado de seguros”, dijo.

Quienes ganan apenas unos dólares por encima del 400% del nivel federal de pobreza ahora quedan fuera de los subsidios, y en algunos estados las primas promedio para este grupo llegaron al menos a triplicarse.

 Muchas personas están viendo aumentos anuales de miles de dólares, con primas que pueden representar hasta una cuarta parte de sus ingresos.

John Ayanian, médico de atención primaria e investigador de políticas de salud en la Universidad de Michigan, contó que con frecuencia sus pacientes mayores le hablan de sus esfuerzos para afrontar el pago de su atención médica. Algunos, de poco más de 60 años, probablemente abandonen la cobertura de ACA debido al aumento, dijo.

“Es una apuesta arriesgada”, opinó.

Marci Heinbaugh podría verse obligada a asumir ese riesgo. La trabajadora social de 63 años, que vive en una zona rural de Illinois, contó que su prima mensual superó el doble de su valor, pasando de unos $1.100 a $2.333, por un plan con gasto máximo de bolsillo de $10.150.

Sabía que tendría que pagar más, dijo, pero no imaginaba un aumento de esa magnitud. Después de unos meses, ya no está segura de poder mantener el plan durante el resto del año y dijo que incluso podría quedarse sin seguro. “Me da pánico siquiera pensarlo”, confesó Heinbaugh.

Las personas quieren comprar su propio seguro en el mercado y muchos adultos de mediana edad podrían pagarlo con un poco de ayuda financiera federal, dijo Alan Weil, vicepresidente senior de políticas públicas en AARP. Quienes abandonan la cobertura o retrasan la atención hasta cumplir 65 años pueden estar ahorrando dinero ahora, pero eso podría resultar más costoso para ellos —y para los contribuyentes— más adelante.

“Existe una probabilidad significativa de que los supuestos ahorros por reducir los subsidios a medida que las personas se acercan a la jubilación terminen convirtiéndose en mayores costos para Medicare”, señaló Weil.

Los afiliados a Medicare no están protegidos de los aumentos de costos. Por ejemplo, en enero, las primas estándar de la Parte B de Medicare subieron de $185 al mes a casi $203.

Hasta que Galvin pueda inscribirse en Medicare, prevé gastar los $30.000 de su cuenta de jubilación para cubrir los pagos de primas y el deducible de su plan del mercado.

Una encuesta de AARP de 2024 reveló que 1 de cada 5 adultos mayores de 50 años no tiene ahorros para la jubilación y que a 3 de cada 5 les preocupa no tener suficientes fondos para mantenerse.

La expiración de estos subsidios del Obamacare ejerce una presión financiera adicional sobre los estadounidenses a medida que se acercan a la jubilación, dijeron investigadores de políticas de salud.

“Están obligando a las personas a tomar decisiones imposibles”, dijo Natalie Kean, directora de defensa federal en salud de la organización sin fines de lucro Justice in Aging.

¿Tienes dificultades para pagar tu seguro médico? ¿Has decidido prescindir de la cobertura? Haz clic aquí para contactar a KFF Health News y compartir tu historia.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

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