Pharma-Funded FDA Gets Drugs Out Faster, But Some Work Only ‘Marginally’ and Most Are Pricey

Dr. Steven-Huy Han, a UCLA liver specialist, has prescribed Ocaliva to a handful of patients, although he’s not sure it helps.

As advertised, the drug is lowering levels of an enzyme called alkaline phosphatase in their blood, and that should be a sign of healing for their autoimmune disease, called primary biliary cholangitis. But “no one knows for sure,” Han said, whether less enzyme means they won’t get liver cancer or cirrhosis in the long run.

“I have no idea if the drug will make them better,” he said. “It could take 10, 20, or 30 years to know.”

Ocaliva came to market through an FDA review process created 30 years ago called accelerated approval, which allows pharmaceutical companies to license promising treatments without proving they are effective. It has become a common path to market — accounting for 14 of the 50 approvals of novel drugs in 2021 compared with four among 59 in 2018, for example.

The FDA’s accelerated approval is usually based on a “surrogate marker” of effectiveness — evidence of lower viral loads for HIV, for example, or shrinking tumors for cancer. Debate rages over the validity of some of these stand-ins, and some of the drugs.

“If you’ve got a game-changing drug that truly is going to make a difference, you don’t need surrogate markers to prove that. If it’s effective, patients will survive longer,” said Dr. Aaron Mitchell, an oncologist at Memorial Sloan Kettering Cancer Center. The shortened approval process, he said, is one reason “we are getting a lot of marginally effective, not clinically meaningful, more expensive drugs on the market.”

Many of the estimated 100,000 U.S. patients with primary biliary cholangitis — most are women — had few other treatment options. And their testimony, at FDA meetings and in online forums, helped boost Ocaliva to FDA approval in 2016. Its list price is about $100,000 a year.

After Deborah Sobel’s sister Sarah Jane Kiley died of liver complications in 2006 at age 47, Sobel met with members of Congress and bankers to urge support for the drug and its maker, Intercept Pharmaceuticals. Although the trial required for accelerated approval was too short to show long-term improvement, the drug lowered alkaline phosphatase levels in many patients who could tolerate taking it. For some, the side effects proved too much.

Sobel, who also has the disease, began taking Ocaliva six years ago. Her last liver scan “looked like I had rolled back some of the damage,” said Sobel, 67, of Naperville, Illinois. “I can’t attribute that to the drug, but I’m religious about taking it.”

Ocaliva’s profile is typical for the FDA’s accelerated program. In 2019 the drug ranked seventh in Medicare spending — about $54 million — among products approved through the program, which launched in 1992. That same year, Congress passed the Prescription Drug User Fee Act, or PDUFA, a law committing the drug industry to pay so-called user fees to help fund the FDA’s drug approval process.

The fees have steadily swollen in importance, accounting for $2.9 billion of the agency’s $6.5 billion 2022 budget, including two-thirds of the drug regulation budget, and the work of at least 40% of the FDA’s 18,000 employees. Companies in recent years have paid between $2.5 million and $3 million to have each drug application reviewed.

In most cases, companies that win accelerated approval must submit additional data, after the drug goes to market, that proves it cures or successfully treats the disease.

It turns out that some surrogate markers are better than others. Critics lashed out at the agency in 2021 after it approved Aduhelm for Alzheimer’s disease based on the drug’s capacity to dissolve clumps of amyloid plaques in the brain. Despite that evidence, most patients, who were in the earliest stages of Alzheimer’s, didn’t get better, and over a third suffered brain swelling, a frightening and painful side effect.

When it approved Ocaliva, the FDA required Intercept to conduct another trial to produce evidence of its benefit. But the company in 2021 stopped the trial, saying it was unable to enroll enough patients. To that point, the trial had shown no clinical benefit for patients on the drug. Now, Intercept is asking the FDA to accept a combination of evidence, including studies that it says show patients taking the drug fared better than “external controls” — patients whose health records indicate they would have qualified for Ocaliva but did not receive it.

The FDA already uses such “real-world evidence” for post-market reviews of the safety of drugs, vaccines, and medical devices. But when it comes to drug approvals, records collected for routine health care are often erroneous and usually can’t replace the rigorous evidence of randomized controlled trials.

Policy Born of Impatience

Impatience — among drug companies, investors, patients, and politicians — created the user fee agreements and accelerated-approval pathway, and that impatience, for profits and cures, fuels both programs.

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the FDA was under tremendous pressure. With AIDS cutting a deadly swath through the gay community, activists held symbolic die-ins at FDA headquarters, demanding approval of new drugs. Meanwhile, conservative groups, frustrated that approvals could take three years or more, debated changing the FDA’s charter to put drugs on the market after cursory reviews. Democrats generally were skeptical of industry user fees — and many still are. During a June debate, Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) said drug companies might be “charging outrageous prices” because so much of FDA’s regulatory budget “comes not from taxpayers who want more access to prescription drugs but from the pharmaceutical industry itself.”

The user fees came about after then-FDA Commissioner David Kessler and industry leader Gerald Mossinghoff agreed that companies would pay sums earmarked for the agency to modernize practices, hire more staff, and set deadlines for its reviews.

The impact was immediate. AIDS drugs were the first notable success beginning in 1995, turning HIV from a death sentence into a chronic but manageable disease.

One way user fees have sped reviews is by expanding communications between industry members and the FDA. Before, “it was pretty challenging to get a meeting with FDA,” said Dr. John Jenkins, a senior agency official for 25 years and now an industry consultant. By 2019, the FDA was hosting over 3,000 drug industry meetings each year. This has dramatically changed how companies operate, he said, providing more certainty about whether they are collecting the data FDA needs for its reviews.

Although FDA-regulated products account for about a fifth of every dollar spent by U.S. consumers, Congress has never shown appetite for dramatically increasing its budget, so every five years the user fee renewals become must-pass legislation. This is their year. The user fee accords — one for each brand-name, generic, and over-the-counter drug, as well as for animal drugs, biologics, and medical devices — are packed with new programs, tweaks to old ones, regulatory deadlines, and other items negotiated by the FDA and industry, with Congress tacking its priorities onto the authorizing bill.

The fee agreements are negotiated behind closed doors — industry and FDA officials met more than 100 times to prepare the 2022 accords. At least two industry negotiators were former FDA officials, and the lead FDA negotiator, Dr. Peter Stein, was a Merck and Janssen veteran before arriving at the FDA in 2016. The FDA held six public hearings on the agreements, then announced it did not intend to incorporate a single change.

The bill stalled over the summer because of disagreements over riders affecting generic drugs, lab tests, dietary supplements — and accelerated approval. The final bill, part of a stopgap spending measure, stripped out language that would have made it harder for accelerated products to stay on the market if manufacturers failed to produce evidence of lasting value in a timely way. Stephen Ubl, president of the industry trade group Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America, or PhRMA, called the slimmed-down bill “a win for patients, biopharmaceutical innovation and regulatory predictability.”

‘I Feel Divided’

Ocaliva patients and doctors are generally grateful to have the drug, though some physicians interviewed for this article said they wouldn’t prescribe it. The drug can seriously harm patients who already have cirrhosis of the liver and produces side effects such as severe itching. But some patients can’t tolerate, or fail to benefit from, the less expensive drug ursodiol, the other main treatment for primary biliary cholangitis. And some doctors who’ve studied Ocaliva believe the drug may slow liver damage.

“I feel divided about this,” said Dr. Renumathy Dhanasekaran, an assistant professor of gastroenterology and hepatology at the Stanford University School of Medicine. “As a scientist, the accelerated approval process concerns me, but as a physician treating patients with a very challenging disease, translating some of these drugs to the clinic faster is attractive.”

While final approval of Ocaliva for primary biliary cholangitis is pending, Intercept is seeking a broader, lucrative market for the drug: as many as 13 million Americans who have non-alcoholic steatohepatitis, or NASH, a variant of fatty liver disease. The only current treatment is radical weight loss. The FDA is expected to rule on that application in 2023.

Ocaliva and Aduhelm are far from the only accelerated approval drugs whose long-term impact remains uncertain. Only a fifth of the cancer drugs approved through the platform kept people alive longer than other treatments against which they were tested, according to a 2019 study co-authored by Dr. Bishal Gyawali, an associate professor of medical oncology and public health at Queen’s University in Canada.

FDA’s cancer branch has tried to remove ineffective accelerated approval drugs from the market, and says it may begin demanding that drugmakers start confirmatory trials before receiving accelerated approval for their products. But for now, many drugs with uncertain survival benefits remain on the market. Ibrance, an oral breast cancer drug that brought Pfizer nearly $5 billion in annual revenue in recent years, falls into this category.

FDA approved Ibrance for breast cancer in 2015 after a study showed it slowed tumor progression for a full year longer than aromatase inhibitors, then the standard of care. Although Pfizer won final approval through a confirmatory trial, less tumor growth apparently did not translate into longer survival for patients on Ibrance, subsequent studies indicated.

Still, with new cancer drugs continually coming to market, it makes sense for the FDA to approve promising new medications even if their benefits are incremental, said Dr. Matthew Goetz, a breast cancer specialist at the Mayo Clinic.

“All of us were excited about Ibrance when it came out,” he said. “It was an oral drug, very well tolerated, and it pushed off the time before a patient needed chemotherapy.”

Gyawali, another breast cancer expert, said he has treated his patients with Ibrance. “Many oncologists would agree that it’s a good tool to have in their toolbox.”

KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

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KHN’s ‘What the Health?’: On Government Spending, Congress Decides Not to Decide

Can’t see the audio player? Click here to listen on Acast. You can also listen on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, Stitcher, Pocket Casts, or wherever you listen to podcasts.

Congress is supposed to complete its annual appropriations bills before the start of the fiscal year on Oct. 1. But it rarely does, and this year is no different, as lawmakers scramble to pass a short-term funding bill so they can put off final decisions until at least December.

Meanwhile, with an eye to the midterms, House Republicans put out a “Commitment to America,” which includes only the vaguest promises related to health care. It’s yet another demonstration that the only thing in health care that unifies Republicans is their opposition to Democrats’ health policies. It’s notable that this latest Republican plan does not suggest repealing the Affordable Care Act.

This week’s panelists are Julie Rovner of KHN, Alice Miranda Ollstein of Politico, Rachel Cohrs of Stat, and Victoria Knight of Axios.

Among the takeaways from this week’s episode:

  • The short-term funding bill to keep the government open includes the five-year reauthorization of the FDA’s user fees, which are charged to drugmakers and help pay the salaries of many FDA employees. Democrats had hoped to add provisions to that measure that would create regulations on dietary supplements, cosmetics, and lab tests. The current authorization runs out Oct. 1, and Republicans insisted they would support only a clean bill that did not have new government directives.
  • That government funding bill also will not include President Joe Biden’s request for $20 billion to help pay for additional covid-19 and monkeypox vaccines and testing. Democrats said they wanted to extend those programs, but Republicans balked and said the administration still has not accounted for all the previous appropriations.
  • Biden’s comment on “60 Minutes” suggesting that the covid pandemic “is over” hurt administration efforts to persuade Congress to pass the extra covid funding.
  • Biden took a victory lap this week and touted successes on administration priorities for Medicare. Among them, he said, was a reduction in next year’s Part B premium, which generally covers beneficiaries’ outpatient expenses. But that premium went down, primarily because Medicare charged too much in 2022.
  • Medicare premiums this year saw a dramatic increase because officials anticipated that the federal health program would see higher costs associated with the use of Aduhelm, an expensive medication for some Alzheimer’s patients that received tentative approval in 2021 by the FDA. Medicare officials later said they would cover the drug only for patients who also enrolled in a clinical trial, and the expectations for use of the drug plummeted.
  • Republican House members’ proposed agenda pledged to reverse the Democrats’ decision this year to allow Medicare to negotiate some drug prices. Although Democrats said the provision would help drive down costs, Republicans said they don’t like the government interfering in the private market and fear that the measure would hamper innovation.

Also this week, Rovner interviews filmmaker Cynthia Lowen, whose new documentary, “Battleground,” explores how anti-abortion forces played the long game to overturn Roe.

Plus, for extra credit, the panelists recommend their favorite health policy stories of the week they think you should read, too:

Julie Rovner: KHN’s “Britain’s Hard Lessons From Handing Elder Care Over to Private Equity,” by Christine Spolar

Alice Miranda Ollstein: KHN’s “Embedded Bias: How Medical Records Sow Discrimination,” by Darius Tahir

Rachel Cohrs: The New York Times’ “Arbitration Has Come to Senior Living. You Don’t Have to Sign Up,” by Paula Span

Victoria Knight: Forbes’ “Mark Cuban Considering Leaving Shark Tank as He Bets His Legacy on Low-Cost Drugs,” by Jemima McEvoy 

Also mentioned in this week’s episode:

To hear all our podcasts, click here.

And subscribe to KHN’s What the Health? on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, Stitcher, Pocket Casts, or wherever you listen to podcasts.

KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

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Few Places Have More Medical Debt Than Dallas-Fort Worth, but Hospitals There Are Thriving

PROSPER, Texas — Almost everything about the opening of the 2019 Prosper High School Eagles’ football season was big.

The game in this Dallas-Fort Worth suburb began with fireworks and a four-airplane flyover. A trained eagle soared over the field. And some 12,000 fans filled the team’s new stadium, a $53 million colossus with the largest video screen of any high school venue in Texas. Atop the stadium was also a big name: Children’s Health.

Business has been good for the billion-dollar pediatric hospital system, which agreed to pay $2.5 million to put its name on the Prosper stadium. Other Dallas-Fort Worth medical systems have also thrived. Though exempt from taxes as nonprofit institutions, several, including Children’s, notched double-digit margins in recent years, outperforming many of the area’s Fortune 500 companies.

But patients aren’t sharing in the good times. Of the nation’s 20 most populous counties, none has a higher concentration of medical debt than Tarrant County, home to Fort Worth. Second is Dallas County, credit bureau data shows.

The mismatched fortunes of hospitals and their patients reach well beyond this corner of Texas. Nationwide, many hospitals have grown wealthy, spending lavishly on advertising, team sponsorships, and even spas, while patients are squeezed by skyrocketing medical prices and rising deductibles.

A KHN review of hospital finances in the country’s 306 hospital markets found that several of the most profitable markets also have some of the highest levels of patient debt.

Overall, about a third of the 100 million adults in the U.S. with health care debt owe money for a hospitalization, according to a poll conducted by KFF for this project. Close to half of those owe at least $5,000. About a quarter owe $10,000 or more.

Many are pursued by collectors when they can’t pay their bills or hospitals sell the debt.

“The fact is, if you walk into a hospital today, chances are you are going to walk out with debt, even if you have insurance,” said Allison Sesso, chief executive of RIP Medical Debt, a nonprofit that buys debt from hospitals and debt collectors so patients won’t have to pay it.

Community Shadowed by Debt

Across the Dallas-Fort Worth metro area — the nation’s fourth-largest — the impact has been devastating. 

“Medical debt is forcing people here to make incredibly agonizing choices,” said Toby Savitz, programs director at Pathfinders, a Fort Worth nonprofit that assists people with credit problems. Savitz estimated that at least half their clients have medical debt. Many are scrimping on food, neglecting rent, even ending up homeless, she said, “and this is not just low-income people.” 

David Zipprich, a Fort Worth businessman and grandfather, was forced out of retirement after hospitalizations left him owing more than $200,000.

Zipprich, 64, had spent a career in financial consulting. He owned a small bungalow in a historical neighborhood near the Fort Worth rail yards. His daughters, both teachers, and his four grandchildren lived nearby. He had health insurance and some savings, and he’d paid off his mortgage.

Then in early 2020, Zipprich landed in the hospital. While driving, his blood sugar dropped precipitously, causing him to black out and crash his car.

Three months later, after he was diagnosed with diabetes, another complication led to another hospitalization. In December 2020, covid-19 put him there yet again. “I look back at that year and feel lucky I even survived,” Zipprich said.

But even with insurance, Zipprich was inundated with debt notices and calls from collectors. His credit score plummeted below 600, and he had to refinance his home. “My stress was off the charts,” he said, sitting in his neatly kept living room with his Shih Tzu, Murphy.

Overall in Tarrant County, 27% of residents with credit reports have medical debt on their records, credit bureau data analyzed by KHN and the nonprofit Urban Institute shows. In Dallas County, it’s 22%.

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That’s more than five times the rate in the largest counties in New York, data shows. The Texans also owe a lot more — the median amount of medical debt on credit records in Tarrant and Dallas counties is nearly $1,000, compared with $400 or less in New York.

Last year, Zipprich returned to work, taking a job in New Jersey that required he commute back and forth to Texas. He recently quit, citing the strain of so much travel. He’s now job hunting again. “I never thought this would happen to me,” he said.

Who Is Responsible?

Even small debts can have potentially dangerous consequences, discouraging patients from seeking needed care. Angie Johnson, a 28-year-old schoolteacher, cut short her honeymoon so she and her husband could pay off more than $1,100 she owed a physical therapy center owned by Baylor Scott & White, a mammoth Dallas-based hospital system.

Johnson said the center, where she’d gone after a knee injury, initially said her visits would cost $60. “Then they billed me hundreds,” she said. “I don’t go to the doctor unless I absolutely have to because it’s so expensive.”

Hospital industry leaders blame the patient debt on health insurers, citing the rise of high-deductible plans and other efforts that limit coverage. “The last thing that hospitals want is for their patients to face financial barriers,” said Molly Smith who leads public policy at the American Hospital Association. “Hospitals are in there trying to work on behalf of patients.”

Despite repeated requests from KHN, none of the medical systems around Dallas-Fort Worth would discuss their finances or the debt carried by patients.

But Smith and other hospital leaders point to billions of dollars of free or discounted care that hospitals nationwide provide every year. “Hospitals have been pretty darn generous,” said Stephen Love, president of the Dallas-Fort Worth Hospital Council. “If other parts of the community did as much as hospitals, we wouldn’t be in this problem.”

Unlike drug companies, device makers, and many physician practices, most U.S. hospitals are nonprofit and must provide charity care as a condition of their tax-exempt status.

Regardless of tax status, medical centers in markets with high medical debt do provide more charity care, according to an analysis by KHN and the Urban Institute, a Washington think tank. That’s important, said Dr. Vikas Saini, president of the Lown Institute, a nonprofit that grades hospitals on their quality and community benefits. But he asked: “Is a hospital truly serving its community if it’s pushing so many into debt?”

Around Dallas-Fort Worth, major medical systems frequently tout their commitment to the region and its patients.

When Texas Health Resources, a Dallas-based nonprofit system with more than $5 billion in annual revenue, opened a new hospital tower in Fort Worth earlier this year, Barclay Berdan, the system’s chief executive, said the building “reinforces Texas Health’s long-standing commitment to the Fort Worth community.” The nine-story, $300 million tower is one of more than a half-dozen new hospitals and major expansions around the Dallas-Fort Worth area since 2018.

The big building spree has been accompanied by big bottom lines.

From 2018 to 2021, Texas Health, which owns hospitals in North Texas, had an average operating margin of almost 6%, according to a KHN analysis of publicly available financial reports.

Other major systems in the area, including Baylor, Children’s Health, and HCA, the nation’s largest for-profit hospital company, did even better, KHN found. Cook Children’s, the region’s second major pediatric system, had an average operating margin of nearly 12%.

By comparison, profits at most of the 25 Fortune 500 companies based around Dallas-Fort Worth, such as ExxonMobil, were less than 6% in 2019, according to Fortune data.

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Approaching a Tipping Point

Hospitals have thrived in other markets with high patient debt, KHN found.

In Charlotte, North Carolina, where a quarter of residents have medical debt on their credit reports, hospitals recorded an average operating margin of 13.6% from 2017 to 2019.

The average margin at hospitals in and around Gainesville and Lakeland, two central Florida markets where a quarter of residents also carry medical debt, topped 9%. In Tulsa, Oklahoma, which has the same level of debt, margins have averaged 8.5%.

Overall, U.S. hospitals recorded their most profitable year on record in 2019, with an aggregate operating margin of 6.5%, according to the federal Medicare Payment Advisory Commission. Total margins, which include income from investments, were even higher.

“You might think that hospitals in communities where patients have a lot of debt would be less profitable, but that doesn’t seem to be the case,” said Anuj Gangopadhyaya, a senior Urban Institute researcher who worked with KHN on an analysis of hospital finance and consumer debt data in U.S. hospital markets.

In fact, the analysis found, there is no apparent relationship between the profits of hospitals in a market and how much medical debt residents have. So while hospitals in places like Charlotte and Tulsa may be comfortably in the black, in other places with high patient debt such as Amarillo, Texas, and Columbia, South Carolina, hospitals are struggling, data shows.

Industry experts say the most profitable medical centers — like those around Dallas-Fort Worth — have developed business models that allow them to prosper even if their patients can’t pay.

One key is prices. These hospitals maximize what they charge for everything from a complex surgery to a dose of aspirin. Most of those charges are picked up by health insurers, which still pay a much larger share of hospital bills than patients do, even those with the highest deductibles.

Across the country, many medical systems have strengthened their market power in recent years by consolidating, buying up smaller hospitals and physician practices, which enable the hospital systems to charge even more.

Dallas-Fort Worth has the highest medical prices in Texas, according to the Health Care Cost Institute, a nonprofit that tracks costs nationwide. And in a state where most markets have relatively low medical prices, in-patient care at Dallas-Fort Worth hospitals was 13% more expensive than the national median in 2020.

In addition to charging more, the most profitable hospitals frequently squeeze more savings from their operations, holding down what they pay workers, for example, and securing better contracts from suppliers. “Hospitals have had to get leaner and meaner,” said Kevin Holloran, a senior director at Fitch Ratings who tracks nonprofit health systems for the bond rating firm.

It’s unclear how much longer this business model can endure.

Across the country, many small and rural hospitals have closed in recent years. Even some larger systems are now losing money, as inflation and rising labor costs put new pressure on bottom lines.

As bills rise, hospitals are having a harder time collecting. Last year, nearly 1 in 5 patient bills generated by hospitals for people with insurance topped $7,500, according to an analysis of hospital billing records by Crowe LLP, a Chicago-based accounting and consulting firm. That was more than triple the rate in 2018.

“These are bills that fewer and fewer patients out there can afford,” said Brian Sanderson, a senior Crowe health care consultant and former hospital executive. Indeed, hospitals manage to collect less than 17% of patient balances that exceed $7,500, according to Crowe’s analysis.

“The rates at which patient balances are growing is just unsustainable for our health systems,” Sanderson said, predicting that most will never be able to collect bills of this size. “It’s trending to the ridiculous.”

Robert Earley, a former Texas state legislator who used to head Fort Worth’s public health system, compared today’s hospitals to shrimpers in the Gulf Coast district he once represented.  

“They wanted to pull so much shrimp out of the bay that they didn’t think about whether there’d be any there long term,” Earley said, recalling his constituents’ struggles. “I worry that those of us in health care aren’t asking ourselves enough if this system is sustainable.”

How the Research Was Done

To explore connections between hospital profits and patient debt, KHN and the Urban Institute examined data from each of the nation’s 306 hospital markets, also known as hospital referral regions.

Researchers calculated medical debt in each hospital referral region using 2019 credit bureau data maintained by the Urban Institute. They then compared the debt load in each market to the average operating margin for hospitals in that market over three years from 2017 to 2019, weighting each hospital’s margin by the number of adjusted admissions.

The margins data comes from hospital cost reports that hospitals file annually with the federal Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services. These reports are aggregated by the nonprofit Rand Corp., which supplied the data to KHN and the Urban Institute.

KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

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Britain’s Hard Lessons From Handing Elder Care Over to Private Equity

LONDON — A little over a decade ago, Four Seasons Health Care was among the largest long-term care home companies in Britain, operating 500 sites with 20,000 residents and more than 60 specialist centers. Domestic and global private equity investors had supercharged the company’s growth, betting that the rising needs of aging Britons would yield big returns.

Within weeks, the Four Seasons brand may be finished.

Christie & Co., a commercial real estate broker, splashed a summer sale across its website that signaled the demise: The last 111 Four Seasons facilities in England, Scotland, and Jersey were on the market. Already sold were its 29 homes in Northern Ireland.

Four Seasons collapsed after years of private equity investors rolling in one after another to buy its business, sell its real estate, and at times wrest multimillion-dollar profits through complex debt schemes — until the last big equity fund, Terra Firma, which in 2012 paid about $1.3 billion for the company, was caught short.

In a country where government health care is a right, the Four Seasons story exemplifies the high-stakes rise — and, ultimately, fall — of private equity investment in health and social services. Hanging over society’s most vulnerable patients, these heavily leveraged deals failed to account for the cost of their care. Private equity firms are known for making a profit on quick-turnaround investments.

“People often say, ‘Why have American investors, as well as professional investors here and in other countries, poured so much into this sector?’ I think they were dazzled by the potential of the demographics,” said Nick Hood, an analyst at Opus Restructuring & Insolvency in London, which advises care homes — the British equivalent of U.S. nursing homes or assisted living facilities. They “saw the baby boomers aging and thought there would be infinite demands.”

What they missed, Hood said, “was that about half of all the residents in U.K. homes are funded by the government in one way or another. They aren’t private-pay — and they’ve got no money.”

Residents as ‘Revenue Streams’

As in the United States, long-term care homes in Britain serve a mixed market of public- and private-pay residents, and those whose balance sheets rest heavily on government payments are stressed even in better economic times. Andrew Dobbie, a community officer for Unison, a union that represents care home workers, said private equity investors often see homes like Four Seasons as having “two revenue streams, the properties themselves and the residents,” with efficiencies to exploit.

But investors don’t always understand what caregivers do, he said, or that older residents require more time than spreadsheets have calculated. “That’s a problem when you are looking at operating care homes,” Dobbie said. “Care workers need to have soft skills to work with a vulnerable group of people. It’s not the same skills as stocking shelves in a supermarket.”

A recent study, funded in part by Unison and conducted by University of Surrey researchers, found big changes in the quality of care after private equity investments. More than a dozen staff members, who weren’t identified by name or facility, said companies were “cutting corners” to curb costs because their priority was profit. Staffers said “these changes meant residents sometimes went without the appropriate care, timely medication or sufficient sanitary supplies.”

In August, the House of Commons received a sobering account: The number of adults 65 and older who will need care is speedily rising, estimated to go from 3.5 million in 2018 to 5.2 million in 2038. Yet workers at care homes are among the lowest paid in health care.

“The covid-19 pandemic shone a light on the adult social care sector,” according to the parliamentary report, which noted that “many frustrated and burnt out care workers left” for better-paying jobs. The report’s advice in a year of soaring inflation and energy costs? The government should add “at least £7 billion a year” — more than $8 billion — or risk deterioration of care.

Britain’s care homes are separate from the much-lauded National Health Service, funded by the government. Care homes rely on support from local authorities, akin to counties in the United States. But they have seen a sharp drop in funding from the British government, which cut a third of its payments in the past decade. When the pandemic hit, the differences were apparent: Care home workers were not afforded masks, gloves, or gowns to shield them from the deadly virus.

Years ago, care homes were largely run by families or local entities. In the 1990s, the government promoted privatization, triggering investments and consolidations. Today, private equity firms own three of the country’s five biggest care home providers.

Chris Thomas, a research fellow at the Institute for Public Policy Research, said investors benefited from scant financial oversight. “The accounting practices are horrendously complicated and meant to be complicated,” he said. Local authorities try “to regulate more, but they don’t have the expertise.”

The Financial Shuffle

At Four Seasons, the speed of change was dizzying. From 2004 to 2017, big money came and went, with revenue at times threaded through multiple offshore vehicles. Among the groups that owned Four Seasons, in part or in its entirety: British private equity firm Alchemy Partners; Allianz Capital Partners, a German private equity firm; Three Delta LLP, an investment fund backed by Qatar; the American hedge fund Monarch Alternative Capital; and Terra Firma, the British private equity group that wallowed in debt demands. H/2 Capital Partners, a hedge fund in Connecticut, was Four Seasons’ main creditor and took over. By 2019, Four Seasons was managed by insolvency experts.

Pressed on whether Four Seasons would exist in any form after the current sale of its property and businesses, MHP Communications, representing the company, said in an email: “It is too early in the process to speculate about the future of the brand.”

Vivek Kotecha, an accountant who has examined the Four Seasons financial shuffle and co-authored the Unison report, said private equity investment — in homes for older residents and, increasingly, in facilities for troubled children — is now part of the financial mainstream. The consulting firm McKinsey this year estimated that private markets manage nearly $10 trillion in assets, making them a dominant force in global markets.

“What you find in America with private equity is much the same here,” said Kotecha, the founder of Trinava Consulting in London. “They are often the same firms, doing the same things.” What was remarkable about Four Seasons was the enormous liability from high-yield bonds that underpinned the deal — one equaling $514 million at 8.75% interest and another for $277 million at 12.75% interest.

Guy Hands, the high-flying British founder of Terra Firma, bought Four Seasons in 2012, soon after losing an epic court battle with Citigroup over the purchase price of the music company EMI Group. Terra Firma acquired the care homes and then a gardening business with more than 100 stores. Neither proved easy, or good, bets. Hands, a Londoner who moved offshore to Guernsey, declined through a representative to discuss Four Seasons.

Kotecha, however, helped the BBC try to make sense of Four Seasons’ holdings by tracking financial filings. It was “the most complicated spreadsheet I’ve ever seen,” Kotecha said. “I think there were more subsidiaries involved in Four Seasons’ care homes than there were with General Motors in Europe.”

As Britain’s small homes were swept up in consolidations, some financial practices were dubious. At times, businesses sold the buildings as lease-back deals — not a problem at first — that, after multiple purchases, left operators paying rent with heavy interest that sapped operating budgets. By 2020, some care homes were estimated to be spending as much as 16% of their bed fees on debt payments, according to parliamentary testimony this year.

How could that happen? In part, for-profit providers — backed by private equity groups and other corporations — had subsidiaries of their parent companies act as lender, setting the rates.

Britain’s elder care was unrecognizable within a generation. By 2022, private equity companies alone accounted for 55,000 beds, or about 12.6% of the total for-profit care beds for older people in the United Kingdom, according to LaingBuisson, a health care consultancy. LaingBuisson calculated that the average residential care home fee as of February 2022 was about $44,700 a year; the average nursing home fee was $62,275 a year.

From 1980 to 2018, the number of residential care beds provided by local authorities fell 88% — from 141,719 to 17,100, according to the nonprofit Centre for Health and the Public Interest. Independent operators — nonprofits and for-profits — moved in, it said, controlling 243,000 beds by 2018. Nursing homes saw a similar shift: Private providers accounted for 194,100 beds in 2018, compared with 25,500 decades earlier.

Beyond Government Control

British lawmakers last winter tried — and failed — to bolster financial reporting rules for care homes, including banning the use of government funds to pay off debt.

“I don’t have a problem with offshore companies that make profits if they offer good services. I don’t have a problem with private equity and hedge funds who deliver good returns to their shareholders,” Ros Altmann, a Conservative Party member in the House of Lords and a pension expert, said in a February debate. “I do have a problem if those companies are taking advantage of some of the most vulnerable people in our society without oversight, without controls.”

She cited Four Seasons as an example of how regulators “have no control over the financial models that are used.” Altmann warned that economic headwinds could worsen matters: “We now have very heavily debt-laden [homes] in an environment where interest rates are heading upward.”

In August, the Bank of England raised borrowing rates. It now forecasts double-digit inflation — as much as 11% — through 2023.

And that leaves care home owner Robert Kilgour pensive about whether government grasps the risks and possibilities that the sector is facing. “It’s a struggle, and it’s becoming more of a struggle,” he said. A global energy crisis is the latest unexpected emergency. Kilgour said he recently signed electricity contracts, for April 2023, at rates that will rise by 200%. That means an extra $2,400 a day in utility costs for his homes.

Kilgour founded Four Seasons, opening its first home, in Fife, Scotland, in 1989. His ambition for its growth was modest: “Ten by 2000.” That changed in 1999 when Alchemy swooped in to expand nationally. Kilgour had left Four Seasons by 2004, turning to other ventures.

Still, he saw opportunity in elder care and opened Renaissance Care, which now operates 16 homes with 750 beds in Scotland. “I missed it,” he said in an interview in London. “It’s people and it’s property, and I like that.”

“People asked me if I had any regrets about selling to private equity. Well, no, the people I dealt with were very fair, very straight. There were no shenanigans,” Kilgour said, noting that Alchemy made money but invested as well.

Kilgour said the pandemic motivated him to improve his business. He is spending millions on new LED lighting and boilers, as well as training staffers on digital record-keeping, all to winnow costs. He increased hourly wages by 5%, but employees have suggested other ways to retain staff: shorter shifts and workdays that fit school schedules or allow them to care for their own older relatives.

Debates over whether the government should move back into elder care make little sense to Kilgour. Britain has had private care for decades, and he doesn’t see that changing. Instead, operators need help balancing private and publicly funded beds “so you have a blended rate for care and some certainty in the business.”

Consolidations are slowing, he said, which might be part of a long-overdue reckoning. “The idea of 200, 300, 400 care homes — that big is good and big is best — those days are gone,” Kilgour said.

KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

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Padres con hijos muy enfermos encuentran consuelo y esperanza en la ayuda de hospicio en el hogar

Pomona, California.- Cuando conoces por primera vez a Aaron Martinez, de 17 meses, no es evidente que algo está catastróficamente mal.

Lo que ves es un hermoso niño pequeño con piel suave y brillante, abundante cabello castaño y una sonrisa cautivadora. Lo que escuchas son arrullos y gritos que no indican de inmediato que hay algo  mal.

Pero sus padres, Adriana Pinedo y Héctor Martínez, saben bien la dolorosa verdad.

Aunque los médicos y la partera de Adriana habían descrito el embarazo como “perfecto” durante los nueve meses, Aaron nació con la mayoría de las células cerebrales muertas, como resultado de dos accidentes cerebrovasculares y una hemorragia masiva que sufrió mientras estaba en el útero.

Los médicos no están seguros de qué causó las anomalías que dejaron a Aaron prácticamente sin función cognitiva ni movilidad física. Su voluminosa cabellera esconde una cabeza cuya circunferencia es demasiado pequeña para su edad. Tiene epilepsia, lo que desencadena múltiples convulsiones al día, y su sonrisa no siempre es lo que parece. “Podría ser una sonrisa; podría ser una convulsión”, dijo su madre.

Poco después del nacimiento de Aaron, los doctores le dijeron a Adriana, de 34 años, y a Héctor, de 35, que no había esperanza y que debían “dejar que la naturaleza siguiera su curso”. Meses después se enterarían de que los médicos no esperaban que el niño viviera más de cinco días. El día 5, sus padres lo pusieron bajo cuidados paliativos en el hogar, lo que ha continuado hasta su segundo año de vida.

La familia recibe visitas semanales de enfermeras de cuidados paliativos, terapeutas, trabajadores sociales y un capellán en el pequeño apartamento de una habitación que alquilan en una casa de familia, en una tranquila calle residencial en esta ciudad del Inland Empire.

Uno de los criterios principales para el cuidado de hospicio, establecido por Medicare principalmente para personas mayores pero que también aplica a niños, es un diagnóstico de seis meses o menos de vida. Sin embargo, en el transcurso de 17 meses, el equipo médico de Aaron ha vuelto a certificar repetidamente su elegibilidad para cuidados paliativos.

Según una disposición de la Ley de Cuidado de Salud a Bajo Precio (ACA) de 2010, a los niños inscritos en Medicaid o en el Programa de Seguro Médico Infantil (CHIP) se les permite, a diferencia de los adultos, estar en cuidados paliativos mientras continúan recibiendo atención curativa, o para prolongar la vida. Las aseguradoras comerciales no están obligadas a cubrir esta “atención concurrente”, como se la denomina, pero ahora muchas la cubren.

A más de una década de su creación, se reconoce ampliamente que la atención concurrente ha mejorado la calidad de vida de muchos niños con enfermedades terminales, aliviado el estrés de la familia y, en algunos casos, mantenido la esperanza de una cura. Pero el acuerdo puede contribuir a un doloroso dilema para padres como Adriana y Héctor, quienes se debaten entre su feroz compromiso con su hijo y la futilidad de saber que su condición lo deja sin esperanza en un futuro.

“Podríamos perder una vida, pero si sigue viviendo así, perderemos tres”, dijo Adriana. “No hay calidad de vida para él ni para nosotros”

Los médicos de Aaron ahora dicen que posiblemente podría vivir por años. Su cuerpo no ha dejado de crecer desde que nació. Está en el percentil 96 de estatura para su edad y su peso está en el promedio.

Sus padres han hablado sobre “graduarlo” del hospicio. Pero nunca está estable por mucho tiempo, y agradecen las visitas del equipo de cuidados paliativos. Las convulsiones, a veces 30 al día, son un asalto persistente a su cerebro y, a medida que crece, se deben cambiar los medicamentos para controlarlas o recalibrar las dosis. Está en riesgo continuo de problemas gastrointestinales y acumulación de líquido potencialmente mortal en sus pulmones.

Adriana, que trabaja desde casa para una organización de salud pública sin fines de lucro, pasa gran parte de su tiempo con Aaron, mientras Héctor trabaja como paisajista. Dijo que ha elegido vivir el momento, porque de lo contrario su mente divaga hacia un futuro en el que “él podría morir, o no, y terminaré cambiando los pañales de un hombre de 40 años”.  Cualquiera de eso, dijo, “va a ser terrible”.

Si bien el cáncer es una de las principales enfermedades que afectan a los niños en cuidados paliativos, muchos otros, como Aaron, tienen defectos congénitos raros, deficiencias neurológicas graves o deficiencias metabólicas poco comunes.

“Tenemos enfermedades que las familias nos dicen que son uno de los 10 casos en el mundo”, dijo el doctor Glen Komatsu, director médico de TrinityKids Care, con sede en Torrance, que brinda servicios de hospicio en el hogar a Aaron y a más de 70 niños en los condados de Los Ángeles y Orange.

En los años previos a la implementación de ACA, defensores de la salud pediátrica presionaron mucho por la provisión de atención concurrente. Sin la posibilidad de cuidados para prolongar la vida o la esperanza de una cura, muchos padres se negaban a llevar a sus hijos con enfermedades terminales a un hospicio, pensando que equivalía a darse por vencidos.

Eso significaba que toda la familia perdía el apoyo que el hospicio puede brindar, no solo alivio del dolor y consuelo para el niño moribundo, sino atención emocional y espiritual para los padres y hermanos bajo presión extrema.

TrinityKids Care, administrado por Providence, el gran sistema nacional de salud católico, no solo envía enfermeras, trabajadores sociales y capellanes a los hogares. Para los pacientes participantes y sus hermanos, también ofrece proyectos de arte y ciencia, clases de ejercicios, películas y música. Durante la pandemia, estas actividades se llevaron a cabo a través de Zoom y voluntarios llevaban los suministros necesarios a los hogares de los niños.

La capacidad de obtener tratamientos que prolonguen sus vidas es una de las principales razones por las que los niños en cuidados concurrentes tienen más probabilidades que los adultos de sobrevivir al diagnóstico de seis meses de vida requerido para el hospicio.

“La atención concurrente, por su propia intención, muy claramente extenderá sus vidas, y al extender sus vidas ya no serán elegibles para cuidados paliativos si se utiliza el criterio de expectativa de vida de seis meses”, dijo el doctor David Steinhorn, médico de cuidados intensivos pediátricos en Virginia, que ha ayudado a desarrollar numerosos programas de cuidados paliativos infantiles en el país.

Otro factor es que los niños, incluso los enfermos, son simplemente más fuertes que muchas personas mayores.

“Los niños enfermos suelen estar sanos, excepto por un órgano”, dijo la doctora Debra Lotstein, jefa de la división de confort y cuidados paliativos del Children’s Hospital Los Angeles. “Pueden tener cáncer en el cuerpo, pero sus corazones y sus pulmones están bien, en comparación con una persona de 90 años que, de base, no es tan resistente”.

Todos los órganos vitales de Aaron Martinez, excepto su cerebro, parecen estar funcionando. “Ha habido momentos en los que lo traemos, y la enfermera mira el expediente y lo mira, y no puede creer que sea ese niño”, dijo Héctor, su padre.

Cuando los niños superan la expectativa de vida de seis meses, se les debe volver a certificar para permanecer en el hospicio. Steinhorn dijo que, en muchos casos, está dispuesto a volver a certificar a sus pacientes pediátricos indefinidamente.

Incluso con médicos que los defienden, no siempre es fácil para los niños recibir cuidados paliativos. La mayoría de los hospicios atienden principalmente a adultos y son reacios a aceptar niños.

“El hospicio dirá: ‘No tenemos la capacidad para tratar niños. Nuestras enfermeras no están capacitadas. Es diferente. Simplemente no podemos hacerlo’”, dijo Lori Butterworth, cofundadora de Children’s Hospice and Palliative Care Coalition of California en Watsonville. “La otra razón es no querer, porque es existencialmente devastador, triste y duro”.

Las finanzas también juegan un papel. El cuidado de hospicio en el hogar se paga a una tarifa diaria establecida por Medicare (un poco más de $200 por día durante los primeros dos meses, alrededor de $161 por día después) y generalmente es la misma para niños y adultos. Los niños, en particular aquellos con enfermedades raras, a menudo requieren cuidados más intensivos e innovadores, por lo que el pago no alcanza tanto.

La provisión de atención concurrente ha hecho que el cuidado de pacientes pediátricos sea más viable para las organizaciones de cuidados paliativos, dijeron Steinhorn y otros. Según ACA, muchos de los gastos de ciertos medicamentos y servicios médicos pueden trasladarse al seguro primario del paciente, dejando a los hospicios responsables por el alivio del dolor y la atención de confort.

Aún así, la cantidad relativamente pequeña de niños que mueren cada año por dolencias prolongadas difícilmente hace que el hospicio pediátrico sea una línea de negocios atractiva en una industria que anhela crecer, especialmente una en la que los inversores de capital privado están activos y buscan pagos grandes.

En California, solo 21 de 1,336 hospicios informaron tener un programa de cuidados paliativos pediátricos especializado, y 59 dijeron que atendían al menos a un paciente menor de 21 años, según un análisis de datos estatales de 2020 realizado por Cordt Kassner, director ejecutivo de Hospice Analytics en Colorado Springs, Colorado .

Los proveedores de cuidados paliativos que atienden a niños a menudo se enfrentan a un desafío más básico: incluso con la posibilidad de atención concurrente, muchos padres aún equiparan el cuidado de hospicio con la aceptación de la muerte.

Ese fue inicialmente el caso de Matt y Reese Sonnen, residentes de Los Ángeles cuya hija, Layla, nació con un trastorno convulsivo que no tenía nombre: su cerebro simplemente no se había desarrollado en el útero y una resonancia magnética mostró que “líquido había ocupado el espacio en donde no estaba el cerebro”, dijo su madre.

Cuando el equipo de Layla mencionó por primera vez el hospicio, “estaba en el auto hablando por teléfono y casi choco”, recordó Reese. “El primer pensamiento que me vino a la mente fue: ‘Es el final’, pero sentimos que ella no estaba cerca de eso, porque era fuerte, era poderosa. Era mi niña. Iba a superar esto”.

Aproximadamente tres meses después, cuando el sistema nervioso de Layla se deterioró y se retorcía de dolor, sus padres acordaron inscribirla en un hospicio con TrinityKids Care. Murió a las pocas semanas, poco después de su segundo cumpleaños. Estaba en los brazos de su madre, con Matt cerca.

“De repente, Layla exhaló una gran bocanada de aire. La enfermera me miró y dijo: ‘Ese fue su último aliento’. Literalmente estaba respirando su último aliento”, relató Reese. “Nunca quise volver a respirar, porque ahora sentía que la tenía en mis pulmones. No me hagas reír, no me hagas exhalar”.

Los padres de Layla no se arrepienten de su decisión de internarla en un hospicio. “Fue la decisión absolutamente correcta y, en retrospectiva, deberíamos haberlo hecho antes”, dijo Matt. “Estaba sufriendo y nosotros teníamos puestas anteojeras”.

Adriana Pinedo dijo que está “infinitamente agradecida” por el cuidado de hospicio, a pesar de la angustia por la condición de Aaron. A veces, la trabajadora social se detiene, dijo, solo para saludar y dejar un café con leche, un pequeño gesto que puede sentirse muy alentador. “Han sido nuestro salvavidas”, dijo.

Adriana habla de una amiga suya que tiene un bebé sano, también llamado Aaron, que está embarazada de su segundo hijo. “Están viviendo todas las cosas que estaban en nuestra lista. Y los quiero mucho”, dijo Adriana. “Pero es casi difícil de mirar, porque es como mirar las cosas que no obtuviste. Es como el día de Navidad, mirando a través de la ventana a la casa del vecino, y estás sentado allí en el frío”.

Sin embargo, parece palpablemente dividida entre ese remordimiento sombrío y el amor incondicional que los padres sienten por sus hijos. En un momento, Adriana se interrumpió a media frase y se volvió hacia su hijo, que estaba en los brazos de Héctor: “Sí, papi, eres tan lindo y sigues siendo mi sueño hecho realidad”.

Esta historia fue producida por KHN, que publica California Healthline, un servicio editorialmente independiente de la California Health Care Foundation.

KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

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Pruebas genéticas crean oportunidades de tratamiento, pero también confusión, entre las pacientes de cáncer de mama

La última década ha sido testigo de una rápida expansión de las pruebas genéticas, que incluyen nuevos instrumentos para informar a las pacientes, a las que se les ha diagnosticado cáncer de mama, sobre el riesgo de recurrencia y para orientar su tratamiento.

Pero la relevancia clínica de muchas de las mutaciones hereditarias que ahora pueden identificarse sigue sin estar clara, y los expertos no se ponen de acuerdo sobre cuándo y cómo desplegar las nuevas pruebas disponibles. A veces, los pacientes tienen que pagar de su bolsillo por exámenes que todavía no son el estándar de atención, e incluso los oncólogos más actualizados pueden no estar seguros de cómo incorporar la avalancha de nueva información a lo que solían ser los protocolos de tratamiento estándar.

Hace un cuarto de siglo, Myriad Genetics introdujo la primera prueba genética del cáncer de mama para las mutaciones BRCA, dos genes asociados a un riesgo elevado de padecer cáncer de mama, abriendo la puerta a una nueva era en las pruebas genéticas.

Las mutaciones en los genes BRCA1 y BRCA2 son responsables de hasta la mitad de los cánceres de mama hereditarios, y las personas con una mutación problemática en uno de esos genes tienen entre un 45% y un 72% de probabilidades de desarrollar cáncer de mama a lo largo de su vida. También pueden tener un mayor riesgo de padecer cáncer de ovario, y otros tipos de cáncer, que las personas sin mutaciones dañinas en el BRCA.

Pero el significado clínico es menos claro para muchas otras pruebas genéticas.

Las pruebas de los genes BRCA1 y BRCA2 solían costar miles de dólares. Ahora, por una fracción de ese precio, los médicos pueden pedir a los laboratorios comerciales paneles de pruebas multigénicas que buscan mutaciones en docenas de genes. Algunas empresas de venta directa al consumidor ofrecen paneles de detección por unos pocos cientos de dólares, aunque su fiabilidad varía.

Cuando Jen Carbary fue diagnosticada con cáncer de mama en 2017 a la edad de 44 años, las pruebas genéticas identificaron una mutación en un gen llamado PALB2 que aumenta significativamente el riesgo de desarrollar cáncer de mama. Las directrices sugieren que las pacientes con cáncer de mama con una mutación PALB2, al igual que las que tienen mutaciones BRCA1 y BRCA2, consideren someterse a una mastectomía para reducir la posibilidad de una recurrencia del cáncer.

“Ojalá las pruebas genéticas fueran el estándar de atención médica”, dijo Carbary, que no debía nada por la prueba porque su aseguradora la cubrió.

Carbary, que vive en Sterling Heights (Michigan), contó que los resultados de las pruebas la reafirmaron en su decisión de someterse a una doble mastectomía y proporcionaron información importante a los miembros de su familia, entre ellos a su hija de 21 años y su hijo de 18, que probablemente se someterán a las pruebas a mediados de los 20 años o al iniciar los 30.

Pero a algunos expertos en cáncer de mama les preocupa que la generalización de las pruebas pueda identificar también mutaciones genéticas cuyo impacto no esté claro, lo que crearía ansiedad y llevaría a realizar más pruebas y tratamientos de dudoso valor que podrían aumentar los costos para el sistema sanitario.

También puede confundir al paciente.

“Ocurre a menudo que las pacientes acuden a nosotros después de obtener resultados confusos en otros lugares”, indicó el doctor Mark Robson, jefe del servicio de medicina mamaria del Memorial Sloan Kettering Cancer Center de Nueva York. Robson explicó que el centro oncológico cuenta con un servicio de genética clínica, formado por médicos y asesores genéticos, que ayuda a las personas a tomar decisiones sobre cómo gestionar los resultados de este tipo de pruebas.

Para las personas diagnosticadas con cáncer de mama, muchos grupos profesionales, incluida la influyente National Comprehensive Cancer Network (NCCN), recomiendan limitar las pruebas a ciertas personas, incluidas las que tienen factores de alto riesgo, como antecedentes familiares de cáncer de mama; las que tienen 45 años o menos cuando son diagnosticadas; y las que tienen ascendencia judía asquenazí.

Pero en 2019, la Sociedad Americana de Cirujanos de Mama (ASBrS) recomendó un enfoque diferente: Ofrecer pruebas genéticas a todas las pacientes que sean diagnosticadas o tengan antecedentes personales de cáncer de mama. La recomendación fue controvertida.

“Las directrices de la NCCN cubren a la mayoría de las mujeres que necesitan pruebas, pero nosotros queríamos hacerlas a todas”, señaló el doctor Eric Manahan, cirujano general en Dalton, Georgia, y miembro de la junta directiva de la ASBrS.

Las mutaciones en otros genes que se asocian al cáncer de mama son mucho menos comunes que las mutaciones en el BRCA1 y el BRCA2 y, por lo general, no aumentan tanto el riesgo de desarrollar cáncer de mama. El impacto de estos genes en el cáncer puede ser menos claro que el de los genes BRCA, cuya detección se lleva a cabo desde mediados de los años noventa.

Y la respuesta adecuada a las mutaciones menos comunes —ya sea una mastectomía para reducir el riesgo o un cribado intensivo— a menudo no está clara.

“Las cosas se vuelven cada vez más confusas cuando se examinan otros genes”, afirmó el doctor Steven Katz, profesor de medicina y políticas sanitarias de la Universidad de Michigan. “Los riesgos tienden a ser menores para diferentes tipos de cáncer, y menos seguros y más variables. Puede que llegues a preguntarte: ‘¿Por qué tengo que saber esto?”.

Una vez diagnosticado el cáncer de mama, las pruebas genéticas pueden ayudar a tomar decisiones sobre el tipo de cirugía que se debe realizar; por ejemplo, un alto riesgo de recurrencia o un nuevo cáncer de mama puede hacer que algunas personas opten por una cirugía más extensa, como una doble mastectomía. Las pruebas también pueden proporcionar información importante a los miembros de la familia sobre su posible riesgo de cáncer.

(Este tipo de pruebas genéticas, llamadas “de línea germinal”, examina las mutaciones en los genes que las personas heredan de sus padres. Es diferente de las pruebas genómicas de los tumores, que examinan genes o proteínas específicos de las células cancerosas y pueden ayudar a los médicos a entender el ritmo de división de las células cancerosas, por ejemplo, y la probabilidad de que el cáncer reaparezca).

Cada vez más, las pruebas genéticas de la línea germinal también pueden ayudar a orientar otras decisiones de tratamiento. Algunas pacientes con cáncer de mama metastásico que presentan mutaciones en los genes BRCA1 o BRCA2 pueden ser buenas candidatas para los inhibidores de PARP, fármacos contra el cáncer que atacan a los tumores con mutaciones en esos genes.

Pero las pruebas genéticas que descubren mutaciones heredadas en muchos otros genes arrojan una información menos clara, aunque los resultados positivos pueden alarmar a las personas.

En el Memorial Sloan Kettering, los especialistas en cáncer se centran en la “capacidad de acción terapéutica”, afirmó Robson. ¿Ayudarán las pruebas a alguien a decidir si debe someterse a una doble mastectomía o le proporcionarán otra orientación importante? “Una política de pruebas para todo el mundo identificará muy pocas mutaciones mamarias BRCA adicionales, pero costará mucho”, añadió.

En consecuencia, los médicos debaten cuál es la mejor manera de desplegar e incorporar los nuevos conocimientos genéticos. Y las aseguradoras tratan de averiguar qué es lo que deben pagar.

Hay una subutilización de las pruebas que la ciencia dice que son relevantes y una sobreutilización de las pruebas que, según los expertos, proporcionan información que no puede interpretarse con ninguna certeza científica.

El resultado puede ser la confusión de las pacientes a las que se les acaba de diagnosticar un cáncer de mama, ya que se enfrentan a los gastos de las pruebas genéticas y, en ocasiones, a una escasa orientación sobre el tratamiento adecuado.

Algunos médicos afirman que el primer paso es asegurarse de que el pequeño grupo de personas que se beneficiaría claramente se someta a las pruebas genéticas cuyo significado se entiende con claridad. Solo el 15% de las pacientes con cáncer de mama que cumplían con las directrices de pruebas selectas de la NCCN para el cáncer hereditario recibieron pruebas genéticas, según un estudio de 2017 que examinó los datos de una encuesta nacional de salud entre 2005 y 2015.

“Yo diría que nuestro enfoque debe estar en las personas con alto riesgo de cáncer de mama que ni siquiera están identificadas todavía”, expresó la doctora Tuya Pal, directora para las disparidades de salud del cáncer en el Centro de Cáncer Vanderbilt-Ingram y vicepresidenta del panel de directrices de la NCCN para la evaluación genética/familiar de alto riesgo de cáncer de mama, ovario y páncreas.

Los pacientes pueden caer en el olvido porque nadie les dice que deben hacerse la prueba. En un análisis, el 56% de las pacientes con cáncer de mama de alto riesgo que no se sometieron a pruebas genéticas afirmaron que sus médicos no se lo recomendaron.

Incluso si los médicos recomiendan las pruebas genéticas, pueden carecer de la experiencia necesaria para determinar qué pruebas se necesitan y cómo interpretar los resultados. Esa es la función de los asesores genéticos, pero no hay muchos disponibles.

Las consecuencias pueden ser graves. En un estudio de 666 pacientes con cáncer de mama que se sometieron a pruebas genéticas, la mitad de las que tenían un riesgo medio de padecer un cáncer hereditario se sometieron a una doble mastectomía por haber encontrado “variantes de significado incierto“, que no requieren acción clínica. Hasta la mitad de los cirujanos informaron de que trataban a estas pacientes del mismo modo que a las que tenían mutaciones cancerígenas.

“El grueso de nuestra investigación diría que aún hay margen de mejora en lo que respecta a que los médicos obtengan la formación que necesitan”, afirmó la doctora Allison Kurian, directora del programa de genética clínica del cáncer femenino de la Universidad de Stanford y coautora del estudio.

KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

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La leche de fórmula puede ser adecuada para los bebés, pero expertos advierten que los niños pequeños no la necesitan

Las fórmulas para niños pequeños son un negocio floreciente en Estados Unidos: las ventas de estas bebidas se han duplicado con creces en los últimos años, ya que las empresas han convencido a los padres de que sus hijos necesitan ese refuerzo. Muchos expertos, sin embargo, advierten que estos productos, diseñados para niños de 1 a 3 años, no cubren las necesidades nutricionales más allá de lo que ofrece la dieta típica de un niño pequeño, están sujetos a menos regulaciones que los preparados para lactantes y son caros.

Además, algunos padres alimentan a los bebés con las versiones para niños pequeños, a pesar de que no cumplen con las normas federales para las fórmulas para lactantes y pueden no proporcionar a los bebés los nutrientes adecuados para mantener su crecimiento.

Los pediatras y funcionarios federales de salud señalan que cuando la mayoría de los niños cumple un año, pueden comenzar a beber leche de vaca o un sustituto de la leche a base de plantas sin azúcar. En una declaración de “consenso” de 2019, la Academia Americana de Pediatría y otras organizaciones de salud y nutrición recomendaron no usar fórmulas para niños pequeños, al indicar que “no ofrecen ningún valor nutricional único más allá de lo que se podría obtener con alimentos saludables; además, pueden aportar azúcares añadidos a la dieta.” Las fórmulas para niños pequeños suelen contener edulcorantes y grasas que añaden calorías.

Algunas de las mismas empresas que producen fórmulas para lactantes —como Enfamil, Gerber y Similac— también fabrican fórmulas para niños pequeños, al igual que algunas marcas más pequeñas y de boutique que anuncian que tienen cualidades orgánicas u otras cualidades especiales. Las fórmulas para niños pequeños están disponibles en casi todos los lugares en los que se venden fórmulas para bebés y se promocionan como productos que aportan nutrientes adicionales para ayudar al desarrollo del cerebro, el sistema inmunitario y los ojos de los niños, entre otros beneficios. Son diferentes de las fórmulas médicas prescritas para niños con necesidades específicas.

Un estudio realizado en 2020 reveló que las ventas de fórmulas para niños pequeños en Estados Unidos aumentaron a 92 millones de dólares en 2015, frente a los 39 millones de 2006.

Los padres suelen confundirse con el marketing de las fórmulas, según un estudio dirigido por Jennifer Harris, investigadora de marketing y salud pública de la Universidad de Connecticut. La investigadora descubrió que el 60% de los cuidadores creía falsamente que las fórmulas para niños pequeños tienen nutrientes que no pueden obtener de otros alimentos.

El doctor Anthony Porto, gastroenterólogo pediátrico y profesor de pediatría de la Universidad de Yale, afirmó que le preocupa que estos productos puedan aportar a los niños pequeños más nutrientes y calorías de los que necesitan. A diferencia de lo que se diseña para los bebés, la fórmula para niños pequeños no tiene normas nutricionales: los expertos afirman que es imposible estandarizar un suplemento para la dieta de los niños pequeños porque no hay dos niños iguales.

En los grupos de discusión, dijo Harris, los padres dicen que alimentan a sus hijos con leche de fórmula para llenar las lagunas nutricionales cuando un niño no está comiendo lo suficiente, una preocupación común entre los padres.

“Los bebés suelen ser comedores voraces”, dijo el doctor Stephen Daniels, presidente de pediatría del Hospital Infantil de Colorado. Pero alrededor del primer año de edad, el crecimiento de los niños se estanca, dijo, y “de repente ya no tienen el hambre de antes”. Eso puede preocupar a los padres, añadió, pero “es un fenómeno completamente normal”.

Si los padres tienen dudas sobre la dieta de sus hijos, dijo Daniels, deben consultar a un pediatra o a un médico de familia.

Blanche Lincoln, presidenta del Infant Nutrition Council of America, que representa a los fabricantes de Enfamil, Gerber, Similac y las marcas blancas, dijo en un correo electrónico que las fórmulas para niños pequeños pueden ser útiles porque pueden llenar “las brechas nutricionales durante este período de transición a los alimentos de mesa”. Lincoln, una exsenadora de Arkansas, dijo que las bebidas “ayudan a contribuir a las necesidades nutricionales específicas de los niños pequeños, proporcionando energía y nutrientes importantes, así como vitaminas y minerales esenciales durante este importante período de crecimiento y desarrollo”.

Pero la leche de fórmula para niños pequeños no solo la ingieren ellos, sino también los bebés.

En un estudio reciente, Porto y sus colegas descubrieron que el 5% de los padres de los lactantes declaró haber dado a sus bebés bebidas promocionadas para el grupo de mayor edad. Y la investigación de Harris indicó que el 22% de los padres de bebés mayores de 6 meses había alimentado a sus bebés con leche de fórmula para niños pequeños en el mes anterior. Ambos estudios se realizaron antes de la reciente escasez de fórmula, lo que puede haber agravado el problema.

“Las fórmulas para lactantes y las fórmulas para niños pequeños suelen estar una al lado de la otra en el supermercado”, explica Harris. “Se parecen, pero las fórmulas para niños pequeños son más baratas que las fórmulas para bebés. Así que la gente las confunde y coge la que no es. O piensan: ‘Oh, esta es más barata. Voy a comprar esta”.

Según un correo electrónico de la portavoz de la FDA, Lindsay Haake, las bebidas para niños pequeños no se ajustan a la definición de fórmula infantil, por lo que no están sujetas a los mismos requisitos. Eso significa que no tienen que someterse a los ensayos clínicos y a las pruebas de seguridad de patógenos que hacen las versiones para bebés. “A diferencia de los preparados para lactantes, los preparados para niños pequeños no son necesarios para satisfacer las necesidades nutricionales de los consumidores a los que van destinados”, dijo Haake.

En una declaración a KHN, el Infant Nutrition Council of America dijo: “Las bebidas para niños pequeños tienen un uso y una composición nutricional distintos a los de la fórmula infantil; ambos no son intercambiables. El etiquetado de las bebidas nutricionales para niños pequeños identifica explícitamente el producto como una bebida para niños pequeños destinada a niños de 12 meses o más en la parte delantera de la etiqueta del envase”.

Sin embargo, varias marcas caras de fórmulas para niños pequeños hechas por empresas más pequeñas -que a menudo se anuncian como elaborados con leche de cabra, leche entera A2 (que carece de una proteína láctea común) o ingredientes veganos que no son de soja-, sí cumplen los requisitos nutricionales para los bebés, y algunos lo anuncian.

Harris argumentó que esto también confunde a los padres y no debería permitirse. El hecho de que una fórmula para niños pequeños tenga los ingredientes nutricionales exigidos por la FDA para las fórmulas infantiles no significa que haya cumplido con las demás pruebas exigidas a las fórmulas infantiles, dijo.

Los reguladores federales no han obligado a ninguna de las empresas a retirar esos productos. En un correo electrónico, la portavoz de la FDA, Marianna Naum, dijo: “La FDA no comenta sobre posibles acciones para hacer cumplir (la ley)”.

Una empresa, Nature ‘s One, cuyas fórmulas para niños pequeños se llaman “Baby’s Only”, recibió cartas de advertencia hace una década de la FDA sobre el hecho de que las promocionara para bebés. Ese caso se cerró en 2016. El sitio web de la compañía dice que la fórmula Baby’s Only “cumple con los requisitos de nutrientes para bebés” y que “Baby’s Only Organic® puede servirse hasta los 3 años de edad“. Sus detractores dicen que ese lenguaje implica que la fórmula está bien para los bebés menores de 1 año. El sitio web de la compañía y su cuenta de Instagram tienen testimonios de padres que indican que alimentan a sus bebés con la fórmula, así como fotos de bebés bebiéndola.

Jay Highman, director general y presidente de Nature’s One, dijo que Baby’s Only está claramente etiquetada como una fórmula para niños pequeños y que en la parte posterior de la lata se indica que “Baby’s Only está destinada a un niño pequeño de 1 año de edad o más o cuando lo indique un profesional de la salud.” También dijo que desde el lanzamiento de la empresa en 1999, sus fórmulas han cumplido todas las normas nutricionales, de fabricación y de seguridad exigidas a las fórmulas infantiles, aunque no tengan que hacerlo. “Nos comportamos como si fuéramos una fórmula para bebés, pero la vendíamos como una fórmula para niños pequeños”, dijo Highman.

Dijo que los ensayos clínicos exigidos por la FDA son una gran barrera para sacar al mercado una nueva fórmula infantil y que muchos otros países no exigen un ensayo clínico. Baby’s Only ha completado recientemente un ensayo clínico, dijo, y la empresa espera poder venderlo pronto como fórmula infantil.

Sin embargo, los pediatras y los expertos en nutrición siguen advirtiendo a los padres sobre el uso de las bebidas para niños pequeños. “No hay duda de que las fórmulas para lactantes son muy importantes durante el primer año de vida”, afirma Daniels. Pero no recomienda la versión para niños pequeños “porque no es tan útil, porque es confusa, porque es cara”.

KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

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Hemp-Derived Delta-8 Skirts Marijuana Laws and Raises Health Concerns

Suzan Kennedy has smoked marijuana, and says her Wisconsin roots mean she can handle booze, so she was not concerned earlier this year when a bartender in St. Paul, Minnesota, described a cocktail with the cannabinoid delta-8 THC as “a little bit potent.”

Hours after enjoying the tasty drink and the silliness that reminded Kennedy of a high from weed, she said, she started to feel “really shaky and faint” before collapsing in her friend’s arms. Kennedy regained consciousness and recovered, but her distaste for delta-8 remains, even though the substance is legal at the federal level, unlike marijuana.

“I’m not one to really tell people what to do,” said Kennedy, 35, who lives in Milwaukee and works in software sales. But if a friend tried to order a delta-8 drink, “I would tell them, ‘Absolutely not. You’re not putting that in your body.’”

The FDA and some marijuana industry experts share Kennedy’s concerns. At least a dozen states have banned the hemp-derived drug, including Colorado, Montana, New York, and Oregon, which have legalized marijuana. But delta-8 manufacturers call the concerns unfounded and say they’re driven by marijuana businesses trying to protect their market share.

So what is the difference? The flower of the marijuana plant, oil derived from it, and edibles made from those contain delta-9 tetrahydrocannabinol, the substance that produces the drug’s high, and can be legally sold only at dispensaries in states that have legalized marijuana. Similar products that contain delta-8 THC are sold online and at bars and retailers across much of the U.S., including some places where pot remains illegal. That’s because a 2018 federal law legalized hemp, a variety of the cannabis plant. Hemp isn’t allowed to contain more than 0.3% of the psychotropic delta-9 THC found in marijuana.

The concerns about delta-8 are largely focused on how it’s made. Delta-8 is typically produced by dissolving CBD — a compound found in cannabis plants — in solvents, such as toluene that is often found in paint thinner. Some people in the marijuana industry say that process leaves potentially harmful residue. A study published in the journal Chemical Research in Toxicology last year found lead, mercury, and silicon in delta-8 electronic cigarettes.

The FDA has issued warnings about the “serious health risks” of delta-8, citing concerns about the conversion process, and has received more than 100 reports of people hallucinating, vomiting, and losing consciousness, among other issues, after consuming it. From January 2021 through this February, national poison control centers received more than 2,300 delta-8 cases, 70% of which required the users to be evaluated at health care facilities, according to the FDA.

Delta-8 is “just the obvious solution to people who want to have access to cannabis but live in a state where it’s illegal,” said Dr. Peter Grinspoon, a primary care physician at Massachusetts General Hospital and a longtime medical cannabis provider. “You can either get in a lot of trouble buying cannabis, or you can get delta-8.”

Grinspoon described delta-8 as about half as potent as marijuana. But because of the lack of research into delta-8’s possible benefits and the absence of regulation, he would not recommend his patients use it. If it were regulated like Massachusetts’ medical and recreational marijuana programs, he said, harmful contaminants could be flagged or removed.

Christopher Hudalla, chief scientific officer at ProVerde Laboratories, a Massachusetts marijuana and hemp testing company, said he has examined thousands of delta-8 products and all contained contaminants that could be harmful to consumers’ health.

Delta-8 has “incredible potential as a therapeutic” because it has many of the same benefits as marijuana, minus some of the intoxication, said Hudalla. “But delta-8, like unicorns, doesn’t exist. What does exist in the market is synthetic mixtures of unknown garbage.”

Justin Journay, owner of the delta-8 brand 3Chi, is skeptical of the concerns about the products. He started the company in 2018 after hemp oil provided relief for his shoulder pain. He soon started wondering what other cannabinoids in hemp could do. “‘There’s got to be some gold in those hills,’” Journay recalled thinking. He said his Indiana-based company now has more than 300 employees and sponsors a NASCAR team.

When asked about the FDA’s reports of bad reactions, Journay said: “There are risks with THC. There absolutely are. There are risks with cheeseburgers.”

He attributes the side effects to taking too much. “We say, ‘Start low.’ You can always take more,” Journay said.

Journay said that he understands concerns about contaminants in delta-8 products and that his company was conducting tests to identify the tiny portion of substances that remain unknown, which he asserts are cannabinoids from the plant.

An analysis of 3Chi delta-8 oil conducted by Hudalla’s firm last year and posted on 3Chi’s website found multiple unidentified compounds that “do not occur naturally” and thus “would not be recommended for human consumption.” Delta-8 oil is still sold on 3Chi’s site.

Journay said the analysis found that only 0.4% of the oil contained unknown compounds. “How can they then definitively say that compound isn’t natural when they don’t even know what it is?” he said in an email.

“The vast majority of negative information out there and the push to make delta-8 illegal is coming from the marijuana industries,” Journay said. “It’s cutting into their profit margins, which is funny that the marijuana guys would all of a sudden be for prohibition.”

Delta-8 products do appear to be significantly cheaper than weed. For example, Curaleaf, one of the world’s largest cannabis companies, offers packages of gummies that contain 100 milligrams of delta-9 THC for $25, plus sales tax, at a Massachusetts dispensary. At 3Chi, gummies with 400 milligrams of delta-8 cost $29.99 online, with no tax.

Journay’s criticism of the marijuana industry holds some truth, said Chris Lindsey, government relations director for the Marijuana Policy Project, which advocates for legalization of marijuana for adults. “We see this happen in every single adult-use legalization state,” said Lindsey. “Their established medical cannabis industry will sometimes be your loudest opponents, and that’s a business thing. That’s not a marijuana thing.”

Still, the bans might not be working fully. In New York, which banned delta-8 in 2021, Lindsey said, it’s available at any bodega.

In July, Minnesota implemented a law that limits the amount of THC, including delta-8, allowed in hemp products outside of its medical marijuana program. News reports said the law would wipe out delta-8. But the state cannot “control what’s being sold over the internet outside of Minnesota and shipped in,” said Maren Schroeder, policy director for Sensible Change Minnesota, which aims to legalize recreational cannabis for adults.

Max Barber, a writer and editor in Minneapolis, remains interested in delta-8 despite his state’s restrictions. Even though he could likely obtain a medical marijuana prescription because he has an anxiety disorder and chronic sleep problems, he hasn’t pursued it because pot made his anxiety worse. He used CBD oil but found the effects inconsistent. In March 2021, he tried a 10-milligram delta-8 gummy.

“It got me pretty high, which I don’t enjoy,” he said.

Then he found what he considers the right dosage for him: one-third of a gummy, which he takes in the evening. He said he now gets between six and eight hours of sleep each night, has less anxiety, and is better able to focus. “I have become kind of an evangelist for delta-8 for everyone I know who has sleep problems,” said Barber, who bought enough gummies to last for months after the new law went into effect.

To address concerns about delta-8, the federal government should regulate it and make accessing cannabis easier for consumers, said Paul Armentano, deputy director of the National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws.

He pointed to a recent study in the International Journal of Drug Policy showing that the number of Google searches for delta-8 in the U.S. soared in 2021 and that interest was especially high in states that restricted cannabis use. “In an environment where whole-plant cannabis is legally available, there would be little to no demand for these alternative products,” said Armentano.

Lindsey, of the Marijuana Policy Project, isn’t so sure that would matter. When he first learned of delta-8’s growing popularity in 2021, he thought it would go the way of drugs like K2 or Spice that he said fall between the regulatory rules long enough to get on shelves before eventually getting shut down.

“That didn’t materialize,” said Lindsey. “The more that we understand about that plant, the more of these different cannabinoids are going to come out.” And that, he said, will in turn spur interest from consumers and businesses.

KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

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