Medicamentos ya conocidos, y baratos, podrían ser clave para tratar covid

¿Podría un antidepresivo que se usa desde hace décadas ser un arma secreta contra covid? Algunos científicos creen que sí, después de que dos pequeños estudios demostraran que la fluvoxamina, que se suele recetar para el trastorno obsesivo compulsivo (TOC), evitara que los participantes desarrollaran una forma grave de la enfermedad.

Sería algo impresionante. Un tratamiento de dos semanas de este fármaco, que cuesta $10, podría reducir el número de muertes y hospitalizaciones.

El medicamento podría utilizarse para luchar contra los brotes actuales en los Estados Unidos y sería un regalo del cielo para los países de bajos ingresos que deben esperar años para recibir vacunas contra el virus.

Pero la fluvoxamina, al igual que otras medicinas que muestran su potencial contra covid, se enfrenta a obstáculos para su evaluación completa.

Las compañías farmacéuticas no tienen ningún incentivo para gastar millones en probar nuevos usos de medicamentos baratos y sin patente. Aunque resulte prometedor en los primeros ensayos, las probabilidades de que cualquier medicina ya existente proporcione un beneficio importante son escasas.

Y el entusiasmo inicial por los tratamientos contra covid que luego fracasaron “ha hecho que haya escepticismo”, dijo el doctor Jeffrey Klausner, profesor de medicina preventiva de la Universidad del Sur de California.

De hecho, muchos científicos creen que la prematura publicidad que hizo el presidente Donald Trump de la hidroxicloroquina obstaculizó los esfuerzos para encontrar otras curas genéricas.

La Administración de Alimentos y Medicamentos (FDA) concedió el uso de emergencia del fármaco contra la malaria en marzo, y luego revocó la autorización menos de tres meses después de que la evidencia demostrara que era probable que fuera más perjudicial que beneficioso para los pacientes.

“A los médicos que queremos practicar medicina basada en la evidencia nos sentimos afectó la experiencia de la hidroxicloroquina, y lo que de verdad queremos ver son buenos estudios antes de decidir”, expresó el doctor Paul Sax, director clínico de la división de enfermedades infecciosas del Brigham and Women’s Hospital de Boston.

Y eso plantea un dilema. Hasta hace poco, los Institutos Nacionales de Salud (NIH), el mayor financiador público de investigación biomédica del mundo, han mostrado poco interés en los estudios de medicamentos reutilizables.

Y sin grandes cantidades de dinero, es difícil realizar la investigación necesaria para demostrar si los tratamientos existentes podrían funcionar contra covid.

Por ello, los esfuerzos por reutilizar los fármacos han recaído en los filántropos, algunos de ellos ubicados en el Área de la Bahía de San Francisco, en California.

“Nos estamos perdiendo los beneficios para la salud pública de los fármacos que ya tenemos porque dependemos casi por completo del capitalismo y de la industria privada para conseguir avances”, afirmó Elaine Lissner, fundadora de la Fundación Parsemus, con sede en San Francisco, que apoya la investigación sobre covid y la fluvoxamina y otros fármacos orales de bajo costo.

La reutilización es una apuesta arriesgada, pero comparada con la creación de fármacos y vacunas, el enfoque tiene claras ventajas durante una pandemia de rápida evolución. “Si funciona y lo tienes a mano, y no tienes tiempo de desarrollo”, dijo la doctora Lisa Danzig, especialista en enfermedades infecciosas que asesora a empresas, inversores, gobiernos y filántropos.

Uno de los mejores tratamientos del arsenal anti covid —el esteroide común dexametasona— es un medicamento reutilizado. Pero sólo se recomienda para pacientes hospitalizados que estén gravemente enfermos.

En abril de 2020, Danzig se sintió “muy entusiasmada” por la noticia de que un equipo dirigido por investigadores de la Universidad de California-San Francisco había identificado 69 posibles fármacos que, utilizados de forma precoz, podrían contrarrestar las infecciones por SARS-CoV-2, el virus que causa covid. “Pienso que, si podemos probar rápidamente algunos de ellos en ensayos clínicos, podremos tener respuestas para octubre”.

Sin embargo, estos estudios han tenido dificultades para ponerse en marcha. Los ensayos sólidos de tratamientos tempranos contra covid son especialmente difíciles de realizar. Los pacientes deben inscribirse a los pocos días de notar los síntomas. Y sin una infraestructura nacional de investigación, “es difícil llamar la atención de alguien para que participe en un ensayo o lo remita”, aseguró el doctor Eric Lenze, psiquiatra de la Universidad de Washington en San Luis, que el año pasado se asoció con su colega, la doctora Angela Reiersen, para llevar a cabo un ensayo de fluvoxamina en pacientes recién infectados de covid con síntomas leves.

Los participantes en ese primer estudio registraron los síntomas en un sitio web mientras tomaban comprimidos de fluvoxamina o de un placebo que se enviaban por correo a sus casas.

La fluvoxamina es uno de los fármacos más antiguos de la clase de los inhibidores selectivos de la recaptación de serotonina (ISRS). Se receta para la depresión mayor en muchos países y fue aprobado por la FDA en 1994 para tratar el TOC.

Los resultados del ensayo, publicados en noviembre en el Journal of the American Medical Association, mostraron que ninguno de los 80 pacientes tratados con fluvoxamina enfermó gravemente, mientras que seis de los 72 pacientes que tomaron pastillas de placebo empeoraron y requirieron hospitalización.

El mes pasado, otra revista especializada publicó los resultados de un estudio en el mundo real que se hizo eco de los resultados de la JAMA: Entre los 113 trabajadores de hipódromos a los que se les ofreció fluvoxamina tras contraer covid durante un brote en el Área de la Bahía, ninguno de los 65 pacientes que eligieron tomar el fármaco empeoró, mientras que seis de los 48 que rechazaron el medicamento acabaron hospitalizados, y uno murió.

Las pruebas de la fluvoxamina —que incluyen datos de células y animales que demuestran que el fármaco bloquea la inflamación perjudicial a través de una vía molecular diferente a la forma en que trata la depresión o el TOC— la sitúan “entre las terapias no probadas más prometedoras”, dijo Sax.

Está a la espera de resultados más definitivos de un ensayo nacional que lleva a cabo el equipo de la Universidad de Washington. “Basándome en años de observación de ensayos terapéuticos en enfermedades infecciosas”, comentó Sax, “muchas de estas cosas resultan ser un fracaso”.

Los estudios pequeños tienen más probabilidades de sobreestimar los efectos de un fármaco, señaló Elizabeth Ogburn, bioestadística de la Escuela de Salud Pública Bloomberg de la universidad Johns Hopkins.

Las experiencias con varios tratamientos experimentales ilustran la palabra precaución. A principios de la pandemia, algunos médicos empezaron a tratar a las personas con plasma convaleciente, es decir, sangre donada por pacientes recuperados. El entusiasmo por el plasma, que ha decaído a medida que estudios más amplios han puesto en duda su eficacia, desvió durante un tiempo los recursos para el estudio de otros fármacos, afirmó Ogburn.

La investigación sobre el fármaco para la gota, la colchicina, provocó una reacción similar. En enero, un comunicado de prensa afirmaba que el fármaco reducía las muertes por covid en un 44%, pero una vez que se publicaron los datos completos, el entusiasmo se enfrió, apuntó el doctor David Boulware, médico-científico de la Facultad de Medicina de la Universidad de Minnesota que dirigió varios ensayos con hidroxicloroquina que ayudaron a refutar el valor de ese fármaco en la lucha contra covid.

“Es difícil distinguir lo que es real de lo que no lo es”, dijo.

Dado que los NIH muestran poco interés por los genéricos, los financiadores privados han aprovechado la oportunidad. El empresario tecnológico de Silicon Valley, Steve Kirsch, puso en marcha, la primavera pasada, el Fondo de Tratamiento Temprano COVID-19 para apoyar la investigación de medicamentos prometedores.

El fondo de Kirsch ayudó a financiar el ensayo de fluvoxamina y coordinó la recaudación de la mayor parte de los $2 millones necesarios para el actual estudio nacional. Kirsch ha escrito artículos de opinión y ha intentado solicitar una autorización de uso de emergencia a la FDA.

Pero algunos han interpretado su celo como una sobrevaloración del medicamento. Los periódicos han rechazado sus artículos de opinión, Facebook ha retirado sus publicaciones y Medium ha eliminado el artículo de Kirsch titulado “La solución rápida, fácil, segura, sencilla y de bajo coste para COVID que funciona el 100% de las veces y de la que nadie quiere hablar”, y ha cerrado su cuenta.

Las afirmaciones sobre la eficacia y la seguridad de un medicamento sólo pueden hacerse tras la autorización del producto por parte de la FDA para su uso previsto, explicó Danzig, que actúa como asesor médico voluntario del fondo de Kirsch. Estas normas “no son muy conocidas por la gente del mundo de la tecnología”.

Las directrices de los organismos son lentas de cambiar, y por una buena razón, dijo Boulware. “Si algo es una directriz y no se cumple, eso es el principio de una mala práctica médica”.

En el caso de la fluvoxamina, sin embargo, Boulware considera que los datos son prometedores y espera que el ensayo más amplio pueda completarse rápidamente. “Si éste fuera el primer fármaco que aparece y no existiera la experiencia de la hidroxicloroquina, la gente lo vería de forma muy diferente”, añadió.

A principios de este mes, CityHealth Urgent Care, que tiene dos clínicas en el Área de la Bahía y un programa nacional de telesalud, empezó a poner la fluvoxamina a disposición de los pacientes de alto riesgo para covid.

Además del estudio sobre la fluvoxamina, hay otros ensayos de reutilización de fármacos que inscriben a pacientes estadounidenses, entre ellos un ensayo de los NIH que compara anticuerpos monoclonales, interferón beta inhalable y camostat, y otros ensayos que evalúan el fármaco para la diabetes metformina o la vitamina D para el tratamiento o la prevención de covid.

Hay planes para realizar más ensayos con el apoyo de una asociación público-privada. Además, un ensayo en diferentes ubicaciones y controlado con placebo, coordinado por la Universidad McMaster de Ontario, Canadá, compara la fluvoxamina, la metformina y un antiparasitario, la ivermectina, en pacientes con covid leve.

“Creo que vamos a obtener algunas respuestas”, señaló el doctor Vikas Sukhatme, decano de la Facultad de Medicina de Emory. “Pero hubiera sido mejor tenerlas antes”.

KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

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Scientists Seek Covid Treatment Answers in Cheap, Older Drugs

Could a decades-old antidepressant be a secret weapon against covid? A few scientists think so, after two small studies showed that fluvoxamine, typically prescribed for obsessive-compulsive disorder, prevented serious illness in all participants who took the pills soon after developing symptoms.

This story also ran on San Francisco Chronicle. It can be republished for free.

It’s an exciting notion: A $10, two-week course of this drug could reduce death and hospitalizations. The drug could be used to fight ongoing outbreaks in the United States and would be a particular godsend for lower-income countries that may have to wait years for vaccines against the virus. But fluvoxamine, as well as other old drugs showing potential against covid, face hurdles to full evaluations.

Drug companies have no incentive to spend millions to test new uses for cheap, off-patent drugs. Chances are slim that any drug, even one showing promise in early trials, would provide a major benefit. And early enthusiasm for covid treatments that later flopped has “made people gun-shy,” said Dr. Jeffrey Klausner, a professor of preventive medicine at the University of Southern California.

In particular, former President Donald Trump’s premature promotion of hydroxychloroquine likely stymied efforts to find other generic cures. The Food and Drug Administration granted emergency use of the malaria drug in March, then revoked the authorization less than three months later after evidence showed it was more likely to harm than help patients.

“We doctors who want to use evidence-based medicine feel somewhat burned by the hydroxychloroquine experience and really want to see good studies before we actually jump on the bandwagon,” said Dr. Paul Sax, clinical director of the division of infectious diseases at Brigham and Women’s Hospital in Boston.

And that poses a Catch-22. Until recently, the National Institutes of Health, the world’s largest public funder of biomedical research, has shown little interest in studies of repurposed drugs. Without big money, it’s hard to do the research needed to show whether existing treatments could work against covid.

As a result, efforts to repurpose drugs have fallen to philanthropists, some in the Bay Area. “We’re missing out on public health benefits of the drugs we already have because we’re relying almost entirely on capitalism and private industry to make advances,” said Elaine Lissner, founder of the San Francisco-based Parsemus Foundation, which is supporting covid research on fluvoxamine and other low-cost oral drugs.

Repurposing is a long shot, yet compared to creating drugs and vaccines, the approach has clear advantages during a fast-moving pandemic. “If it works and it’s on the shelf, you don’t have any development time,” said Dr. Lisa Danzig, a specialist in infectious diseases who consults with companies, investors, government and philanthropies. One of the best treatments in the covid arsenal — the common steroid dexamethasone — is a repurposed drug. But it is recommended only for hospitalized patients who are seriously ill.

Danzig was “very excited” last April by news that a team led by University of California-San Francisco researchers had identified 69 possible drugs that, when used early on, could counteract infections with SARS-CoV-2, the virus that causes covid. “I’m thinking, if we can rapidly test some of these in clinical trials, we can have answers by October.”

Yet these studies struggled to get off the ground. Solid covid trials of early treatments are particularly hard to pull off. Patients often must enroll within days of noticing symptoms. And without a national research infrastructure, “it’s hard to get anyone’s attention to participate in a trial or refer to it,” said Dr. Eric Lenze, a psychiatrist at Washington University in St. Louis who teamed with his colleague Dr. Angela Reiersen last year to conduct a trial of fluvoxamine in newly infected covid patients with mild symptoms.

Participants in that early study logged symptoms on a website while taking fluvoxamine or placebo tablets that were mailed to their homes. Fluvoxamine, sold under the brand name Luvox, is one of the oldest drugs in the selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (SSRI) class. It is prescribed for major depression in many countries and was approved by the FDA in 1994 to treat OCD.

The results of the trial, published in November in the Journal of the American Medical Association, showed that none of the 80 fluvoxamine-treated patients became seriously ill, while six of 72 patients who took placebo pills worsened and required hospitalization.

Last month, another journal published results of a real-world study that echoed the JAMA results: Among 113 horse racetrack workers who were offered fluvoxamine after contracting covid during a Bay Area outbreak, none of the 65 patients who chose to take the drug got sicker, whereas six of 48 people who declined the drug wound up hospitalized, and one died.

The evidence for fluvoxamine — which includes cell and animal data showing that the drug blocks harmful inflammation through a molecular pathway different from the way it treats depression or OCD — puts it “among the more promising non-proven therapies,” Sax said. He is waiting for more definitive results from an ongoing national trial being conducted by the Washington University team. “Based on years of watching therapeutic trials in infectious disease,” Sax said, “a lot of these things turn out to be busts.”

Smaller studies are more likely to overestimate a drug’s effects, said Elizabeth Ogburn, a biostatistician at Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health.

Experiences with several experimental treatments illustrate this word of caution. Earlier in the pandemic, some doctors jumped on early lab data and started treating people with convalescent plasma — blood donated by recovered patients. Enthusiasm for plasma, however, has waned somewhat as the pandemic eased and larger studies suggested it did not improve survival in hospitalized patients.

Research on the gout drug colchicine caused similar whiplash. A news release in January claimed the drug reduced covid deaths by 44%, but once the full data was released, enthusiasm cooled, said Dr. David Boulware, a physician-scientist at the University of Minnesota Medical School who led several hydroxychloroquine trials that helped disprove that drug’s value in fighting covid.

“It’s tough to weed through what’s real and what’s not,” he said.

With NIH showing little interest in generics, private funders have seized an opportunity. Silicon Valley tech entrepreneur Steve Kirsch launched the COVID-19 Early Treatment Fund last spring to support research on promising outpatient drugs.

Kirsch’s fund helped finance the published fluvoxamine trial and coordinated fundraising for most of the $2 million needed for the current nationwide study. But his zeal gave some the impression that Kirsch was hyping the drug. Newspapers have rejected his op-eds, Facebook took down his posts, and Medium removed Kirsch’s story titled “The Fast, Easy, Safe, Simple, Low-Cost Solution to COVID That Works 100% of the Time That Nobody Wants to Talk About,” and closed his account.

Claims about a drug’s efficacy and safety can be made only after authorization of the product by the FDA for its intended use, said Danzig, who serves as a volunteer medical adviser for Kirsch’s fund. These rules “are not widely known to people in the tech world.”

Agency-level guidelines are slow to change, and for good reason, Boulware said. “If something’s a guideline, and you’re not doing it, that starts to become medical malpractice.”

In the case of fluvoxamine, though, Boulware finds the data promising and hopes the larger trial can be completed quickly. “If this was the first drug that came along and there wasn’t the hydroxychloroquine experience, people would view it very differently,” he said.

Earlier this month, CityHealth Urgent Care, which has two Bay Area clinics and a national telehealth program, began making fluvoxamine available to high-risk covid patients.

Besides the fluvoxamine study, other drug repurposing trials are enrolling U.S. patients, including an NIH trial comparing monoclonal antibodies, inhalable beta interferon and camostat, and separate trials evaluating the diabetes drug metformin or vitamin D for covid treatment or prevention. Plans are underway for additional trials supported by a public-private partnership. And a multi-site, placebo-controlled trial coordinated by McMaster University in Ontario, Canada, is comparing fluvoxamine, metformin and an antiparasitic agent, ivermectin, in patients with mild covid.

“I think we’re going to get some answers,” said Dr. Vikas Sukhatme, dean of the Emory School of Medicine. “It just would have been nice to get them sooner.”

This story was produced by KHN, which publishes California Healthline, an editorially independent service of the California Health Care Foundation.

KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

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This story can be republished for free (details).



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The Great Undoing: Which of Trump’s Policies Will Biden Reverse?

KHN has put together an interactive tool of significant health policies implemented by the Trump administration using its own authority — executive orders, agency guidance or formal regulations — and is tracking Biden administration and court actions.

We will update this chart as actions are taken.

Topics: Affordable Care Act | HHS Operations | Immigration | Insurance | Medicaid | Prescription Drugs | Price Transparency | Public Health | Women’s Reproductive Health

Affordable Care Act

OVERTURNED Ordered federal officials to minimize “the economic burden” of the Affordable Care Act on states and individuals

WHEN: Jan. 24, 2017

HOW: Executive order

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: Revoked by Biden’s Jan. 28, 2021, executive order.

OVERTURNED Cut funding for navigators and ACA marketplace enrollment outreach to consumers

WHEN: Aug. 31, 2017

HOW: Press release

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: Biden indirectly ordered the Department of Health and Human Services to restore funding as part of his Jan. 28, 2021, ACA executive order and promised to spend $50 million for outreach during a special 2021 open enrollment period.

UNCHANGED Eliminated payments to insurers that helped cover the costs the ACA required them to pay for very low-income customers

WHEN: Oct. 12, 2017

HOW: Announcement by HHS, backed by a Department of Justice legal opinion

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: Policy remains unchanged.

IN Process Shortened marketplace open enrollment from three months to six weeks

WHEN: April 18, 2017

HOW: Included in a larger HHS regulation

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: Effectively overturned by Biden’s Jan. 28, 2021, executive order.

IN PROCESS Allowed states to loosen requirements for the “essential health benefits” required by plans sold on the ACA marketplaces

WHEN: April 17, 2018

HOW: Included in a larger Centers for Medicare & Medicaid regulation

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: Regulation remains in effect, but Biden’s Jan. 28, 2021, executive order mandated a review by HHS. 

IN PROCESS Loosened rules for Section 1332 waivers under the ACA, which allow states to experiment with different coverage options. This was a change to the “guardrails” that sought to ensure that all ACA plans offered the same comprehensive coverage and that state experiments not cause a reduction in enrollment.

WHEN: Oct. 24, 2018

HOW: CMS guidance

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: The guidance was written into regulation the day before Trump’s term ended, Jan. 19, 2021. A lawsuit was filed in U.S. District Court in Washington in January challenging both the guidance and the regulation. A review by HHS was ordered as part of Biden’s Jan. 28, 2021, executive order.

IN PROCESS Changed the formula for indexing increases in ACA plan premiums — a move expected to lead to high consumer out-of-pocket costs

WHEN: April 25, 2019

HOW: Regulation

STATUS/ BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: Regulation remains in effect. An HHS review was ordered as part of Biden’s Jan. 28, 2021, executive order.

IN PROCESS Curtailed LGBTQ civil rights protections offered by the ACA

WHEN: June 19, 2020

HOW: Regulation

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: Enjoined by the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of New York on Oct. 29, 2020. Biden’s Jan. 20, 2021, executive order mandates that agencies “consider whether to revise, suspend, or rescind” actions that do not fully implement statutes barring discrimination.

IN PROCESS Allowed Georgia to pull out of healthcare.gov

WHEN: Nov. 1, 2020

HOW: Waiver

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: Remains in effect. Georgia’s plan is to move out of healthcare.gov for insurance policies purchased for 2023. A lawsuit seeking to reverse the decision was filed in U.S. District Court in Washington on Jan. 14, 2021. An HHS review was ordered as part of Biden’s Jan. 28, 2021, executive order.

IN PROCESS Cut funding for marketplace operations and urged states to drop out of healthcare.gov

WHEN: Jan. 19, 2021

HOW: Regulation

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: Regulation remains in effect. An HHS review was ordered as part of Biden’s Jan. 28, 2021, executive order.

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HHS Operations

OVERTURNED Executive Order: Limited the government’s ability to use agency “guidance,” as opposed to formal regulation, to assess civil penalties against “regulated parties”

WHEN: Oct. 9, 2019

HOW: Executive order

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: Rescinded by Biden’s executive order on Jan. 20, 2021.

IN PROCESS Regulation: Limited the government’s ability to use agency “guidance,” as opposed to formal regulation, to assess civil penalties against “regulated parties”

WHEN: Jan. 14, 2021

HOW: Regulation

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: Biden ordered the Office of Management and Budget to “promptly take steps to rescind” the regulation in his Jan. 20, 2021, executive order.

IN PROCESS Sunsetting all regulations unless they are reviewed within five years, and then reviewed again at least once every 10 years after that

WHEN: Jan. 19, 2021HOW: RegulationSTATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: Several health groups filed suit in U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California on March 9, 2021, asking that the regulation be overturned. On March 23, 2021, the Biden administration postponed, pending judicial review, the effective date of the regulation to March 22, 2022.

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Immigration

IN PROCESS Expanded the list of federal assistance programs that if used by immigrants could make them potentially “public charges,” a designation that would hamper their ability to become lawful, permanent residents. The expansion included Medicaid.

WHEN: Aug. 14, 2019

HOW: Regulation

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: The regulation has been blocked by several federal district courts and upheld by circuit courts. The Supreme Court dismissed pending appeals on March 9, 2021, after the Biden administration announced it was no longer enforcing the provision. Biden ordered a review of the regulation in an executive order on Feb. 2, 2021.

UNCHANGED Blocked visas for immigrants who couldn’t show they could afford health insurance

WHEN: Oct. 4, 2019

HOW: Proclamation announced Oct. 4, 2019, and published Oct. 9, 2019

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: The policy was challenged in court but upheld by a panel of judges from the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals on Dec. 21, 2020. The plaintiffs have requested a review by the full court.

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Insurance

UNCHANGED Expanded the availability of short-term health plans

WHEN: Aug. 3, 2018

HOW: Regulation

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: The regulation was challenged in court but upheld by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia on July 17, 2020.

IN PROCESS Allowed association health plans

WHEN: June 21, 2018

HOW: Regulation

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: A judge in U.S. District Court in Washington struck down parts of the regulation on March 28, 2019. The case was appealed to the Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit, which heard arguments on Nov. 14, 2019, but has not yet issued an opinion. On Jan. 28, 2021, the Biden administration asked the court to delay its decision by at least 60 days.

UNCHANGED Expanded health reimbursement arrangements (HRAs) for employers to fund premiums for workers getting coverage on the individual market

WHEN: June 20, 2019

HOW: Regulation

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: Regulation remains unchanged.

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Medicaid

IN PROCESS Allowed states to impose work requirements for some enrollees

WHEN: Jan. 11, 2018

HOW: Guidance

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: The waivers granted to states were challenged, and a federal district judge vacated several approvals. That was appealed and the case made its way to the Supreme Court, which set a hearing date of March 29, 2021. The court removed the case from its calendar on March 11, 2021, but the case could still be heard later. In his Jan. 28, 2021, executive order, Biden mandated that HHS “consider whether to suspend, revise, or rescind” the guidance, which has since been removed from the CMS website.

UNCHANGED Weakened standards for Medicaid managed-care plans

WHEN: Nov. 13, 2020

HOW: Regulation

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: The regulation remains unchanged.

IN PROCESS Allows states to ask for a waiver to take their Medicaid federal contribution as a block grant

WHEN: Jan. 30, 2020

HOW: Guidance

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: HHS was ordered to “consider whether to suspend, revise, or rescind” the guidance in Biden’s Jan. 28, 2021, executive order.

IN PROCESS Approved TennCare’s block grant

WHEN: Jan. 8, 2021

HOW: Waiver

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: HHS was ordered to “consider whether to suspend, revise, or rescind” the waiver for Tennessee’s Medicaid program in Biden’s Jan. 28, 2021, executive order.

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Prescription Drugs

unchanged Required drug prices in TV ads

WHEN: May 10, 2019

HOW: Regulation

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: Drugmakers filed a lawsuit seeking to overturn the rule. The rule was blocked by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia on June 16, 2020.

UNCHANGED Executive Order: Ordered discounts for consumers who get insulin and injectable epinephrine from community health centers that purchase through the 340B program

WHEN: July 24, 2020

HOW: Executive order

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: Order remains unchanged.

UNCHANGED Authorized prescription drug imports from Canada

WHEN: Oct. 1, 2020

HOW: Regulation and guidance from the FDA

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: A lawsuit challenging the rule was filed by drugmakers on Nov. 23, 2020, and is pending. No states have yet requested permission to move forward with a plan.

IN process Ordered HHS to establish “most favored nation” prices for Medicare drugs based on lowest price in other developed countries

WHEN: Nov. 27, 2020

HOW: Regulation

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: Lawsuits were filed and several U.S. district courts — including those for Maryland, the Northern District of California and the Southern District of New York — blocked the rule. Following the courts’ actions, CMS announced on Dec. 28, 2020, that the rule would not be implemented without further rule-making.

IN PROCESS Altered drug rebate rules for Medicare prescription drugs

WHEN: Nov. 30, 2020

HOW: Regulation

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: The U.S. District Court in Washington postponed most of the provisions a year, so they won’t take effect until Jan. 1, 2023. HHS, under the Biden administration, issued a final rule on Feb. 2, 2021, delaying the effective date of the parts of the rule that had not been stayed by the judge until March 22, 2021. The administration has until April 1 to decide whether to proceed to defend the remainder of the lawsuit.

IN PROCESS Regulation: Required discounts for consumers who get insulin and injectable epinephrine from community health centers that purchase through the 340B program

WHEN: Dec. 23, 2020

HOW: Regulation

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: The Biden administration delayed implementation of the regulation until at least March 22, 2021. On March 16, a federal district court in Indianapolis blocked the rule pending further action.

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Price Transparency

UNCHANGED Called for hospital and insurer price transparency regulations

WHEN: June 24, 2019

HOW: Executive order

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: Order remains unchanged.

UNCHANGED Required health insurers to provide estimated prices to patients

WHEN: Nov. 12, 2020

HOW: Regulation

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: Health plans and insurers must make data files publicly available for policies that take effect starting Jan. 1, 2022, and they must provide cost-sharing information on 500 specified services the following year. Information on all items and services is required for policies that take effect starting Jan. 1, 2024.

UNCHANGED Required hospitals to publish “standard charges”

WHEN: Nov. 27, 2019

HOW: Regulation

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: The American Hospital Association sued to overturn the regulation, but a judge in U.S. District Court in Washington dismissed the challenge on June 23, 2020. The regulation took effect Jan. 1, 2021.

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Public Health

OVERTURNED Disbanded the Directorate on Global Health Security and Biodefense, part of the National Security Council

WHEN: May 2018

HOW: A reorganization ordered by then-national security adviser John Bolton, the details of which were not made public.

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: The office was reconstituted under Biden’s Jan. 20, 2021, executive order.

UNCHANGED Added new restrictions on funding for National Institutes of Health research using fetal tissue from elective abortions

WHEN: July 26, 2019

HOW: Guidance

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: Policy remains unchanged.

OVERTURNED Withdrew the U.S. from the World Health Organization

WHEN: July 6, 2020

HOW: Nonpublic letter

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: Biden announced the U.S. would rejoin WHO via a national security memorandum on Jan. 21, 2021

IN PROCESS Changed the rules for distributing organs for transplant

WHEN: Dec. 2, 2020

HOW: Regulation

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATON ACTION: A challenge by major organ transplant centers in federal district court was rejected on Jan. 16, 2020. The regulation was frozen by the Biden administration on Feb. 2, 2021, as part of a 60-day review of Trump administration regulations.

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Women’s Reproductive Health

OVERTURNED Reinstated and expanded the so-called Mexico City policy, or “global gag rule,” which limits funding to organizations that perform or support abortion outside the United States

WHEN: Jan. 23, 2017

HOW: Memorandum

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: Rescinded by Biden memorandum, Jan. 28, 2021.

OVERTURNED Withdrew U.S. funding from the U.N. family planning agency

WHEN: April 3, 2017

HOW: Memorandum from the State Department

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: Funding was restored by Secretary of State Antony Blinken on Jan. 28, 2021, following Biden’s executive order that day.

UNCHANGED Ordered the HHS secretary to “consider changing” the ACA’s contraceptive mandate regulations

WHEN: May 9, 2017

HOW: Executive order

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: Written into multiple regulations Oct. 13, 2017, and Nov. 15, 2018. Remains unchanged.

UNCHANGED Interim final regulation: Allowed employers with moral objections to opt out of offering contraceptive coverage under the ACA

WHEN: Oct. 13, 2017

HOW: Interim final regulation

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: Litigated alongside final regulation (below). Upheld by the Supreme Court on July 8, 2020.

UNCHANGED Interim final regulation: Allowed employers with religious objections to opt out of offering contraceptive coverage under the ACA

WHEN: Oct. 13, 2017

HOW: Interim final regulation

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: Litigated alongside final regulation (below). Upheld by the Supreme Court on July 8, 2020.

UNCHANGED Reinterpreted “free choice of provider” guidance for Medicaid recipients, which allows people to receive services from any qualified provider

WHEN: Jan. 19, 2018

HOW: CMS guidance

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: Guidance remains in effect. Lawsuits challenging individual states’ efforts to exclude Planned Parenthood from Medicaid are at various stages of litigation, but no suits have been filed challenging the federal guidance.

UNCHANGED Final regulation: Allowed employers with moral objections to opt out of offering contraceptive coverage under the ACA

WHEN: Nov. 15, 2018

HOW: Final regulation

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: Upheld by the Supreme Court on July 8, 2020.

UNCHANGED Final regulation: Allowed employers with religious objections to opt out of offering contraceptive coverage under the ACA

WHEN: Nov 15, 2018

HOW: Final regulation

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: Upheld by the Supreme Court on July 8, 2020.

IN PROCESS Barred abortion providers from Title X family planning program

WHEN: March 4, 2019

HOW: Regulation

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: Multiple lawsuits were filed, but the full 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals upheld the regulation on Feb. 24, 2020. Biden’s Jan. 28, 2021, executive order instructed HHS to act to “suspend, revise, or rescind” the regulation.

in process Allowed health providers to refuse to offer any service that violates their consciences

WHEN: May 21, 2019

HOW: Regulation

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: The regulation was blocked by several federal district courts. A hearing on the rule before the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals scheduled for March 17, 2021, was canceled at the request of the Biden administration.

UNCHANGED Barred the use of fetal tissue from elective abortions in research conducted at the National Institutes of Health and barred the use of fetal tissue from elective abortions in extramural NIH-funded research unless such research is expressly approved by an ethics advisory board

WHEN: June 5, 2019

HOW: Statement from HHS

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: Remains unchanged.

in process Required separate ACA premiums for abortion coverage

WHEN: Dec. 27, 2019

HOW: Regulation

STATUS/BIDEN ADMINISTRATION ACTION: A federal district judge in Maryland overturned the rule on July 10, 2020. The decision has been appealed.

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KHN reporter Victoria Knight contributed to this report.

KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

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Birx Joins Air-Cleaning Industry Amid Land Grab for Billions in Federal Covid Relief

The former top White House coronavirus adviser under President Donald Trump, Dr. Deborah Birx, has joined an air-cleaning company that built its business, in part, on technology that is now banned in California due to health hazards.

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The company is one of many in a footrace to capture some of the $193 billion in federal funding to schools.

Birx is now chief medical and science adviser of ActivePure Technology, a company that counts 50 million customers since its 1924 start as the Electrolux vacuum company and does nearly $500 million annually in sales. Its marketing includes photos of outer space, a nod to a 1990s breakthrough with technology to remove a gas from NASA spaceships. The company’s own studies show that, in its effort to create the “healthiest indoor environments in North America,” it leveraged something less impressive: the disinfecting power of ozone — a molecule considered hazardous and linked to the onset and worsening of asthma.

In an interview with KHN, CEO Joe Urso acknowledged that its air cleaners that emit ozone account for 5% of sales, even though its marketing repeatedly claims “no chemicals or ozone.”

Conflicts between the science and marketing claims of an air purification company are nothing new to academic air quality experts. They warn that the industry — which sells to dental offices, businesses and gyms — is laser-focused on school officials, who are desperate to convince parents and teachers their buildings are safe. Children can be particularly susceptible to the chemical exposure some of these devices potentially create, experts say.

“The concerns you have raised are legitimate” when it comes to other companies’ products, Birx said, noting that as a grandmother she shares concerns about health. But she added that she has full confidence in ActivePure after reviewing records for the Food and Drug Administration’s clearance of a company device.

Schools are getting an infusion of roughly $180 billion in federal money to spend on personal protective equipment, physical barriers, air-cleaning systems and other infrastructure improvements. Previously, they could have used $13 billion of CARES Act funding. Democrats are pushing for $100 billion more that could also be used for school improvements, including air cleaners.

Putting unregulated devices in classrooms is “a giant uncontrolled experiment,” said Jeffrey Siegel, a civil engineering professor at the University of Toronto and a member of its Building Engineering Research Group.

Researchers and the Environmental Protection Agency say the broader industry advertises products that alter molecules in the air to kill germs, without noting that the reactions can form other harmful substances, such as the carcinogen formaldehyde.

Marwa Zaatari, an indoor air quality consultant and a member of the American Society of Heating, Refrigerating and Air-Conditioning Engineers’ epidemic task force, said she has counted more than 125 schools or districts that have already bought air cleaner models the EPA has linked to “potentially harmful byproducts” such as ozone or formaldehyde. She estimated at least $60 million was spent.

Instead, air quality experts say, the best solutions come down to basics: adding more outdoor air, buying portable HEPA filters and installing MERV 13 filters within heating systems. But school boards are often lured by aggressive claims of 99.9% efficiency — based on a test of a filter inside a small cabinet and not a classroom. “Every dollar you use for this equipment is a dollar you remove from doing the right solution,” Zaatari said.

Urso, of ActivePure Technology, said “other companies that I think are making wrongful claims” have brought scrutiny to the industry. But he said his firm’s technology has steadily improved and now emits “gaseous hydrogen peroxide” and other molecules that seek out and destroy viruses, mold and bacteria. He described the technology as active — in contrast to the more passive technology of air filters. A company website says it makes the “safest, fastest and most powerful surface and air-purification technology available.”

Urso added, “I have a great technology that is truthful and it does what I say it does.”

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention warns specifically against technologies that release hydrogen peroxide that are “being heavily marketed.” The agency says the technology is “emerging” and “consumers are encouraged to exercise caution.”

During a Zoom interview, Birx deferred to ActivePure Medical’s president, Daniel Marsh, and Urso on the science. She focused instead on the need for products that will increase people’s confidence about going maskless indoors.

“Imagine decreasing the number of sick days of your workforce because your air is less contaminated,” Birx said. “There are uses of this technology that transcend the current pandemic.”

Birx was a controversial figure on Trump’s covid response team. She was criticized for standing by quietly as Trump suggested that people could ingest disinfectant to rid themselves of the virus. She has recently spoken out about her discomfort with such statements — while endorsing ActivePure Technology.

Birx said she was attracted to ActivePure because of its commitment to “hard science” in getting its Medical Guardian cleared by the FDA. The process required the company to prove the device was substantially equivalent to an existing device. Records the company submitted to the FDA describe the Medical Guardian as an “ion generator” and “photocatalytic oxidizer” that showed “a high efficacy against … a broad range of viable bioaerosol.”

Birx said she uses a hospital-grade HEPA filter in her home but noted that’s only because she wasn’t aware of the ActivePure technology when she bought it.

When ActivePure Technology, formerly known as Aerus, tells its story, it’s one of seamless progress. Yet its 2009 purchase of the air cleaner company EcoQuest saddled the company with two problematic technologies: one that intentionally generated ozone to clean the air and another that did so incidentally, studies from the subsidiary company show.

The ActivePure companies and subsidiaries made the best of it, though, marketing the technology’s purification powers on the basis of a Kansas State University study of how well the devices disinfected the surface of meat compared with chlorine, which is widely used by meatpackers to kill bacteria.

Meanwhile, California lawmakers were outlawing consumer use of air cleaners that emit more than 50 parts per billion of ozone. They got momentum to regulate the industry with a survey that showed that a small percentage of state residents who used such devices at home had children — considered particularly sensitive to ozone. According to the California legislation, ozone can “permanently damage lung tissue and reduce a person’s breathing ability.”

The CDC also reviewed the ActivePure technology in 2009. At the time, Birx, who served in the agency under three presidents, was directing its global AIDS response.

Agency scientists were evaluating the potential of air cleaners to help clear formaldehyde from Federal Emergency Management Agency trailers deployed after Hurricane Katrina. They knew the devices could potentially swap one hazard — ozone formed by some air cleaners — for the one they were trying to eliminate. So they tested and found that a device from ActiveTek — an Aerus subsidiary — with ActivePure technology emitted 116 parts per billion of ozone. The scientists deemed that level too high for cleaning the trailers.

Birx said the older ozone-emitting devices were first-generation devices. The newer ActivePure devices are third-generation and one is now validated by FDA clearance. That is not the same as FDA approval, which requires proof the device is safe and effective.

Urso said the company’s devices that emit ozone are mostly for commercial use. Although marketing for ActivePure says “no chemicals or ozone,” Urso acknowledged that it still sells a Pure & Clean Plus device that emits ozone and cannot be sold in California.

“It is very confusing,” Urso said, “and it’s confusing because we also match it with [the] ActivePure” logo. The company did not answer questions about five other devices listed for sale on its website, which says they can’t be sold in California.

While current ActivePure marketing also says the technology produces no byproducts, Urso said that reflects results from lab studies, not studies from the environment where they might be used. That includes hundreds of schools that have trusted their technology, the company’s website says. There, experts say, chemicals that could react with air cleaner technology include car exhaust, spray cleaners, paint and glue.

The company markets to preschools as well. Brent Stephens, an indoor air quality expert who leads the civil, architectural and environmental engineering department at the Illinois Institute of Technology, was asked by the director of his own children’s preschool about the Aerus Hydroxyl Blaster.

Aerus had sent the director a sample to test in her home. But Stephens advised against buying one for the preschool, saying that, while the claims of similar machines may sound good, the studies to back them up often were not.

“It’s wild out there,” he wrote in an email. “Consumers need to know how these things perform and if they are subject to unforeseen consequences like generating byproducts from use.”

KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

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Blue Shield Spent Years Cultivating a Relationship with Newsom. It Got the State Vaccine Contract.

SACRAMENTO — Gavin Newsom was just making a name for himself as mayor of San Francisco in 2005 when Blue Shield of California wrote him its first major check.

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The young, business-friendly Democrat had exploded onto the national scene the year before by issuing same-sex marriage licenses in San Francisco, and he was pushing his next big idea, called Project Homeless Connect. The initiative would host bazaar-style events in neighborhoods across the city, linking homeless people to services like food assistance and health care.

Newsom needed financial support from businesses, and Blue Shield answered with a $25,000 contribution.

Over the next 16 years, as Newsom’s political career flourished, the health insurance behemoth became one of his most generous and trusted supporters. It contributed nearly $23 million to Newsom’s campaigns andspecial causes, according to a California Healthline analysis of political and charitable contributions. Of that, nearly 90% has funded the homelessness initiatives that critics and allies say are dearest to Newsom’s heart.

Newsom, elected governor in 2018, in turn has rewarded Blue Shield and its executives with positions of power during the coronavirus pandemic, which has claimed nearly 56,000 Californians’ lives.

Facing mounting criticism early this year over the chaotic covid-19 vaccination rollout and a growing recall effort to remove him from office, Newsom gave the insurer a $15 million, no-bid contract to take over California’s life-or-death effort to quickly vaccinate its 40 million residents. Last spring, Newsom also enlisted Blue Shield’s CEO, Paul Markovich, to help steer the state’s covid testing strategy, another component of the state’s pandemic response that had faltered.

“Blue Shield responded early and responded often,” and it was among the first to invest in Newsom’s controversial homelessness ideas, said Philip Mangano, who led homelessness policy under former President George W. Bush and now informally advises Newsom. “Gavin understood they could be depended on over the years.”

But Newsom’s decision to rely on Blue Shield is backfiring. A growing number of public health officials and lawmakers say Blue Shield isn’t the right choice to coordinate the state’s vaccine distribution. And California’s counties, which are implementing the state’s coronavirus response, simply refuse to sign on with the insurer.

Newsom’s political future now hinges, in part, on how quickly Blue Shield — which is still charged with leading how vaccines are allocated — can get shots into Californians’ arms. The Republican-driven recall campaign slams him for his response to the pandemic and for violating his own public health recommendations when he dined last fall at the exclusive French Laundry restaurant in Napa Valley with people from outside his household.

Recall organizers say they have submitted 2.1 million signatures, and county election officials have until April 29 to certify that at least 1.5 million are valid in order for the state to set a recall election this fall.

Newsom did not respond to interview requests.

Blue Shield, which has already contributed $269,000 to a political account that Newsom could tap to fight a recall election, also declined multiple interview requests. But in an email, spokesperson Don Campbell said the Oakland-based company regularly supports candidates who share its mission of improving health care access and affordability.

“There is no financial or other benefit being bestowed upon, or accrued by, Blue Shield,” Campbell said. “Blue Shield was asked by the state to help with vaccines. Our reward is to help save lives.”

✦✦✦

Blue Shield isn’t alone in donating to the governor and his projects. Other interest groups have given more, such as Silicon Valley’s Facebook and the health care giant Kaiser Permanente, which covers about one-quarter of the state’s population. (KHN is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente.)

Kaiser Permanente is advising Blue Shield on vaccine distribution and has a special agreement with the state to vaccinate Californians — including patients outside its system. Kaiser Permanente also invested in homelessness projects in San Francisco after Newsom got them off the ground, and twice last year responded to Newsom’s pleas for corporate dollars to combat the state’s toughest crises: It gave $25 million to a state homelessness fund set up by Newsom and $9.75 million to an immigrant covid relief fund.

But unlike Blue Shield, which gave $20 million to the homelessness fund, Kaiser Permanente has never donated to Newsom as a political candidate, according to local and state campaign records. Blue Shield has given to Newsom in every elected office he has held over the past 20 years.

“That’s how the game works. It’s just about standard influence peddling,” said David McCuan, a Sonoma State University political scientist. “What’s different here is the degree, or the depth of what [Blue Shield] has done under this governor.”

Over time, the company has funded Newsom and his policy initiatives in a way it hasn’t contributed to other politicians at the local or state level, records show, helping elevate him to higher office.

Blue Shield wrote its first check to Newsom for $500 in 2002, when the company was based in San Francisco and he was a city supervisor pushing an ambitious social welfare agenda to help both poor people and businesses that were growing impatient with the explosion of homeless people sleeping in front of their establishments and crowding hospital emergency rooms. It was Blue Shield’s only donation to a local political race in California that year, according to records with the secretary of state’s office.

After he had ascended to the mayor’s office, 14 of Blue Shield’s top executives, including Markovich, contributed a combined $5,150 — on a single day, Aug. 22, 2007 — according to campaign statements filed with the San Francisco Ethics Commission. The company’s contributions continued when he served as lieutenant governor from 2011 to 2019.

But the company’s investment in Newsom soared during the 2018 gubernatorial race. Blue Shield and its executives contributed $71,550 to Newsom’s campaign, and the company partnered with powerful labor unions to form a special committee that allowed them to spend unlimited amounts of money on Newsom’s behalf. Blue Shield chipped in nearly $1 million to that effort, and also gave $1 million to a committee formed by health industry groups to defeat one of Newsom’s primary opponents, then-state treasurer John Chiang.

After Newsom won the election, Blue Shield contributed $100,000 to his inauguration celebration and cut a $50,000 check in his name to a charity supporting firefighters.

With Newsom in office, Blue Shield focused on again giving to the governor’s deepest passion: homelessness. In January 2020, the same month Newsom promised to dedicate unprecedented resources to combating homelessness, Blue Shield announced its $20 million donation to his homelessness fund, which later transformed into “Project Homekey.” That initiative is intended to finance the conversion of more than 6,000 hotel rooms across the state into housing units.

“No one sector can solve the homelessness crisis alone,” Blue Shield quoted Newsom as saying in its Jan. 17, 2020, press release announcing its donation. “It’s our collective responsibility to meet this moment with bold action and intentional leadership — and that’s exactly what Blue Shield’s leadership is doing.”

Behind the scenes in our meeting with @BlueShieldCA CEO Paul Markovich. We cannot solve our homelessness crisis alone in California, and we are so thrilled for Blue Shield's $20mm investment in our statewide homelessness fund. #CaliforniaForAll @CAgovernor @GavinNewsom pic.twitter.com/Ug6AdneFBw

— Kathleen Kelly Janus (@kkellyjanus) January 28, 2020

The donation to Project Homekey came shortly before covid derailed Newsom’s sweeping health and homelessness agenda. But Newsom’s confidants say the relationship he forged with Blue Shield assured him that the company could quickly turn around the state’s troubled vaccination program.

“Because of their early investment, there was a level of trust — I would even say camaraderie — established going forward,” Mangano said. “Blue Shield took a risk way back when Gavin was becoming mayor. There are other organizations like Kaiser Permanente who have since staked out positions in support, but they weren’t there early and they weren’t the ones taking the greatest risk.”

✦✦✦

When Newsom announced that Blue Shield would take over California’s vaccine distribution, he emphasized the job would be in the hands of a nonprofit with an expansive provider network equipped to quickly get vaccines into arms. While it remains a nonprofit, the state stripped Blue Shield of its tax-exempt status in 2014, alleging it operated much like a for-profit insurance company.

The insurer, which covers about 4 million Californians, took in $21 billion in revenue in 2019, the most recent year for which data is available, with net income of slightly more than $573 million. The same year, it paid Markovich $7.5 million, plus benefits.

The National Committee for Quality Assurance has given Blue Shield a poor rating for efficient patient care. And on the chief job Newsom is asking it to do — getting vaccines to patients — Blue Shield is average, ranking 3 out of 5 in the national ranking on flu shots.

No other state appears to have delegated the vaccination job to an insurer, said Dr. Georges Benjamin, executive director of the American Public Health Association. And because counties refuse to contract with Blue Shield, the Newsom administration is scrambling to give counties the option to work with the state government instead.

A growing number of state and local lawmakers are calling the deal a waste of taxpayer money.

“I don’t think having Blue Shield step in is going to get teachers vaccinated any quicker. I don’t think it’s going to get the 70-year-old Black folks vaccinated any quicker,” said state Sen. Sydney Kamlager (D-Los Angeles), adding that she has “more faith” in her local public health experts than in Blue Shield. “And they’re not doing it for free.”

Newsom has insisted that the insurer won’t be allowed to profit.

But critics of the deal argue that even though Blue Shield isn’t technically allowed to make money off vaccinating Californians, the company stands to gain enormous prestige.

Since taking over the program on March 1, Markovich has appeared in press conferences and the company has produced slick advertising urging Californians to get vaccinated. In one ad, viewers are left with the image of the company’s blue logo on a black screen.

“This is not about making money. This is about the marketing opportunity it represents. It’s huge,” said Michael Johnson, a Blue Shield whistleblower who left his post as director of public policy in 2015. “The reason Blue Shield has been selected for this is not because of its capabilities, but because of its relationship with Newsom.”

Methodology

How California Healthline compiled data about political and charitable spending by Blue Shield of California and Kaiser Permanente

Political contributions: Blue Shield of California made direct contributions to Gavin Newsom’s personal campaign accounts for every political office he has held since 2002, when he served as a San Francisco supervisor. These contributions can be found on the California secretary of state’s website or the San Francisco Ethics Commission website.

Additionally, Blue Shield has given large contributions to a ballot measure account run by the governor called “Newsom’s Ballot Measure Committee,” which can accept unlimited amounts of money. Those contributions can be found on the California secretary of state’s website. And Blue Shield made sizable contributions, known as “independent expenditures,” to two ballot measure committees that benefited Newsom’s 2018 gubernatorial bid. One, “Newsom for Governor 2018, Sponsored by Labor Organizations and Blue Shield of California,” was also supported by the Service Employees International Union and teachers, police and firefighters unions. The other, “Chiang for Governor 2018; Health Care Providers for Fiscal Accountability Opposed to John,” also received contributions from the California Medical Association and California Dental Association.

Charitable contributions: Blue Shield and Kaiser Permanente have made “behested payments,” which are donations to charities and other nonprofit organizations in elected officials’ names. Blue Shield gave in Newsom’s name to “Project Homeless Connect” while he was mayor and “Project Homekey” as governor.

Kaiser Permanente gave to Project Homekey and a state covid immigrant relief fund in Newsom’s name. Behested payments to state elected officials are disclosed on the California Fair Political Practices Commission website, and behested payments to Newsom when he was mayor are on the San Francisco Ethics Commission website.

This story was produced by KHN, which publishes California Healthline, an editorially independent service of the California Health Care Foundation.

KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

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The Case for Donating US Covid Vaccines Overseas

A Senate committee grilled federal officials about the shortage of vaccines to protect Americans against a pandemic virus. Two months later, the U.S. public had lost interest in the virus, and millions of vaccines were sitting in warehouses — although poor countries still needed them.

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This happened during the 2009-10 swine flu pandemic. One official on the hot seat was Dr. Nicole Lurie, who was in charge of preparedness and response at the Department of Health and Human Services. Today, she’s a senior adviser at the Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations, which is helping to vaccinate the world against covid. And she’s worried about history repeating itself.

Lurie told Congress back then that vaccine production was unpredictable. In any case, the swine flu virus turned out to be relatively tame, but the experience holds a lesson for today, she said: Pandemics shift directions quickly, so it’s best to be prepared for threats and opportunities — anywhere in the world.

In particular, Lurie and others are urging the Biden administration to make plans for getting surplus U.S. covid vaccine supplies overseas once Americans are vaccinated. They note that the administration has secured at least 700 million doses of vaccines — more than enough to fully vaccinate every adult and child in the U.S. — by the end of July. The current focus must be the United States, which has had more covid cases and deaths than any other country. But in the longer term, global immunization will be crucial.

“We need to take care of the problem everywhere to be able to take care of it anywhere,” said Dr. Mark Feinberg, president and CEO of the International AIDS Vaccine Initiative, a remark echoed in a petition circulated by leading U.S. scholars. “Even if we get high-level vaccine coverage here, we’ll still be vulnerable to imported variants that are less responsive to the first-generation vaccines. It’s going to be an ongoing problem.”

Vaccine experts and activists give the Biden administration high marks for reengaging with the World Health Organization and its global partners. They also understand that the United States has to take care of itself first.

“Until we have enough for Philadelphia, I don’t see them wanting to give vaccine away,” said Feinberg, who is 64, lives in Philadelphia and had yet to be vaccinated as of March 18. “We have a long way to go.”

In the coming months, however, many believe the Biden administration should at least partially pivot to a global approach. The Trump administration wisely spread its risk on vaccine development, spending $14 billion on contracts with eight different companies. Five now have vaccines authorized for use in the United States or overseas.

“Now that there are five vaccines that work, the hedging is looking a lot more like hoarding,” said Tom Hart, North American executive director of One, a global anti-poverty group. “You don’t need more than one or two inoculations to become immune. As soon as you become immune, you need to share.”

Biden is committed in principle to sharing vaccine doses with the world. On Day One, the administration issued a national security memorandum calling on the secretaries of state and HHS to promptly deliver Biden “a framework for donating surplus vaccines, once there is sufficient supply in the United States, to countries in need.”

In a largely symbolic move, the administration on Thursday said it planned to provide 1.5 million doses of vaccine to Canada and 2.5 million to Mexico. The donation would come from a cache of vaccine produced by AstraZeneca, which has yet to apply for its use in the United States.

The administration also has promised other countries cash for vaccines. It pledged $4 billion to the COVAX facility, the coordinating group that aims to distribute 2 billion covid vaccines to low-income and middle-income countries by the end of the year. Half of that money has been paid out.

The administration is also helping to expand vaccine manufacturing in the developing world — a key objective to protect these countries against covid, as well as routine childhood diseases and future pandemics.

Biden and the leaders of India, Australia and Japan just signed an agreement that calls on the U.S. International Development Finance Corp., which supports projects in poorer countries, to help Biological E., an Indian pharmaceutical company, produce 1 billion covid vaccine doses by the end of 2022. Johnson & Johnson, Novavax and AstraZeneca have partnered with several Indian manufacturers over the past year in unusually cooperative arrangements.

But donating vaccine would be the quickest way to help — and here the picture is murkier. The administration hasn’t said when or how it will determine there is a “sufficient supply” of U.S. vaccine to be shared.

Federal officials are working on the framework for future donations, an HHS official said.

“Our primary focus is to vaccinate Americans first. However, the U.S. will not be completely safe until the entire world is safe,” said the official, who spoke on condition of anonymity.

White House press secretary Jen Psaki said last week that Biden “wants to be overprepared and oversupplied,” with extra doses that could be used for “booster shots.” That’s a fuzzy goal, however, since it’s unclear when or whether or what type of booster shots could be needed.

It’s also not clear whether vaccine donations would all go through COVAX, which decides where to send them, or would be given out bilaterally to allies like Mexico.

This is a shame, said Hart, of One, because vaccine sharing could have a big payoff in building goodwill. China and Russia, which already have donated or sold their vaccines in Africa, the Mideast and Latin America, “are increasing their spheres of influence through vaccine diplomacy,” he said. “People don’t soon forget when you saved their lives and the lives of their families.”

Now is the time to think about these issues, Lurie said. During the swine flu pandemic, tens of millions of unused U.S. influenza vaccines were held in warehouses for months, awaiting shipment overseas, because of cumbersome rules imposed by the U.S., the World Health Organization and overseas governments.

“There were 68 steps that no one knew about,” Lurie recalled. “My favorite was the fumigation certificate required for the wood pallet for exporting doses to the Philippines.”

Merck faced similar problems when it tried to ship its Ebola vaccine to West Africa during the 2014-16 epidemic there. Commercial and trade rules, Food and Drug Administration regulations and other red tape make shipping an unlicensed vaccine out of the country very complex, said Feinberg, who was then a senior Merck scientist. “It took a lot of jumping through hoops to even send the vaccine to Guinea or Liberia or Sierra Leone.”

The donations to Canada and Mexico would apparently come from some 30 million doses that AstraZeneca has reportedly warehoused in Ohio while the company prepares to submit data to the FDA for authorization of the vaccine. The U.S. could put those doses to good use by exporting them if they are not going to be used here, Lurie said. “That would be a fine alternative to having the vaccine just sitting in a warehouse.”

However, several countries have suspended use of the AstraZeneca vaccine while European drug regulators study reports that the vaccine might cause blood clots. Exporting U.S.-made supplies of this vaccine now would be a mistake, Feinberg said, because it could undermine confidence with the perception that the U.S. was offloading a vaccine the FDA hadn’t deemed worthy.

“The administration has been thoughtful in addressing the key issues,” he said. “In the long term and maybe even the short term, that may be better than a one-time donation of doses.”

This story was produced by KHN, which publishes California Healthline, an editorially independent service of the California Health Care Foundation.

KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

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from Health Industry – Kaiser Health News

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